Does the ACHPR Really Get It?! Human Rights Defenders, African Values, and the Dangerous Drift Toward Normative Regression

Author: Mai Aman
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Civil society organisations (CSOs) participating at the 87th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR/ the Commission), held in Banjul, the Gambia from 12 to 20 May 2026, were alarmed when discussions began emerging around a Draft Declaration on the Promotion of the Role of Human And Peoples’ Rights Defenders And their Protection In Africa. For many CSOs working directly on civic space, freedom of expression, protest rights and defender protection across the continent, this was the first time they had become aware that such a process was already underway within the Commission.

The concern was not simply procedural, although the limited consultation surrounding a Declaration of such potential normative significance immediately raised questions. Rather, alarm quickly grew once civil society actors were able to review the text itself. As the Draft Declaration began circulating during the session, organisations realised that, in its current form, the Declaration risked doing the exact opposite of what a Declaration on human rights defenders should do; instead of strengthening protections for defenders operating in increasingly hostile environments, the Draft Declaration appeared capable of legitimising the very frameworks already being used to repress them.

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The struggle for prisoners’ voting rights: Analysing the constitutional right to dignity and sovereignty in Kenya

Uday-Makokha-KeyaAuthor: Uday Makokha Keya
Third-year law student, Kabarak University

The values on sovereignty of the people, asserted in the constitution of Kenya, imposes on the state the duty to protect, promote and fulfil citizen`s right to elect their representatives as a way of exercising their sovereignty. This right should therefore be achieved through guaranteeing citizens the right to register as voters and, consequently, to elect their leaders. The constitution provides that, every person has a right without unreasonable restriction to be registered as a voter.[1] Therefore, any limitation to the right to vote, has to be necessary,[2] and in accordance to the law.[3]  The case of Kituo Cha Sharia V IEBC & 2 Others, affirmed prisoner`s right to vote and elect their representatives linking their right to vote to their dignity, and the exercise of their sovereignty.[4] To guarantee the right to vote to prisoners, they should have equally been provided with the right to register as voters and, to consequently vote in every election cycles.

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The rationality of the electorate as a catalyst for political change- Lessons from Senegal

Bonolo-Makgale Author: Bonolo Makgale
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Matthew-Ayibakuro Author: Matthew Ayibakuro
Governance Adviser and Development Consultant

The recent presidential elections in Senegal took place against a backdrop of constitutional disputes and widespread political fervour. This was after the Constitutional Council overturned former President Mack Sall’s decree postponing the election, declaring it unconstitutional. This election remains one of Senegal’s most historic. It signalled the end of Sall’s 12-year rule, and with 17 candidates vying to succeed him, it was the most competitive presidential race since Senegal’s independence from France in 1960. It also marked the culmination of a contentious political dispute over the date of the election, which began when Sall moved it to extend his term, sparking widespread protests and boosting support for the opposition.

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Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso’s withdrawal from ECOWAS: The Revised ECOWAS Treaty and withdrawal with ‘immediate effect’

Author: Marko Svicevic
Lecturer and Researcher, Centre for International Humanitarian and Operational Law, Faculty of Law, Palacky University, Olomouc

On 28 January 2024, the military leaders of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso simultaneously announced their withdrawal from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) with ‘immediate effect’. Although the move is not all too surprising given rising tensions between the bloc and the three States, it is a historical and significant development in the region. All three States were suspended from ECOWAS following military takeovers; and they had faced varying degrees of sanctions in the last three years.

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Addis Ababa’s City Sovereignty threatened by the new Draft Criminal Procedure and Evidence Law of Ethiopia

Author: Marew Abebe
Lecturer of Federalism at Debark University, Debark, Ethiopia

This is a commentary on Article 25(3) of the Draft Criminal Procedure and Evidence Law (the Draft Law), which the Attorney General of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia distributed to stakeholders to solicit feedback. Article 25(3) of the Draft Law empowers courts of the state of Oromia (one of the ten regional states of Ethiopia) to exercise jurisdiction over some criminal matters that arise in one of the two self-administered city governments of Ethiopia, the capital city of the country Addis Ababa. This commentary explores whether Article 25(3) of the Draft Law is (in)compatible with the Ethiopian Federal Constitution, and concludes that granting jurisdiction to the courts of the state of Oromia over some cases arising in Addis Ababa is unconstitutional. The provision, if not omitted from the final version of the Draft Law, will pose great challenges to the Ethiopian federation.

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