Pay or be denied: The impact of fees and charges on journalists’ perception of the effectiveness of Ghana’s Right to Information Law

Kwaku-Krobea-AsanteAuthor: Kwaku Krobea Asante
Senior Programme Officer, Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA)

Introduction

There has been a global upsurge in the demand for transparency, accountability and the establishment of norms in favour of democracy [1].  These norms include the passage of universal Access to Information (ATI) laws and the respect for the right to access information across the world[2].

In Africa, the adoption of the Model Law of Access to Information for Africa in 2013 was a response to emerging questions about widening inequality, widespread poverty, corruption and lack of accountability in public office. Indeed, the model law is consistent with other relevant laws including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the African Charter).

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The rationality of the electorate as a catalyst for political change- Lessons from Senegal

Bonolo-Makgale Author: Bonolo Makgale
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Matthew-Ayibakuro Author: Matthew Ayibakuro
Governance Adviser and Development Consultant

The recent presidential elections in Senegal took place against a backdrop of constitutional disputes and widespread political fervour. This was after the Constitutional Council overturned former President Mack Sall’s decree postponing the election, declaring it unconstitutional. This election remains one of Senegal’s most historic. It signalled the end of Sall’s 12-year rule, and with 17 candidates vying to succeed him, it was the most competitive presidential race since Senegal’s independence from France in 1960. It also marked the culmination of a contentious political dispute over the date of the election, which began when Sall moved it to extend his term, sparking widespread protests and boosting support for the opposition.

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#gameofphones: Examining the social media regulatory regimes across Africa

Blessing-Temitope-OguntuaseAuthor: Blessing Temitope Oguntuase
Lawyer

Blood, gore, and broken human bones sprawled across the blood tainted soil for miles and miles, the stereotypical image of a war-torn battlefield. Over a century ago, one might have thought it impossible for the iconic swords and bullets to be traded for smartphones and twiddling fingers. Who could have imagined the metal battle armours being replaced with the anonymity of a social media profile?

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Judicial Independence and Transitional Justice in Cameroon: A Pathway to Sustainable Peace in the ongoing Anglophone Crisis

Bobuin-Jr-Valery-Gemandze-ObenAuthor: Bobuin Jr Valery Gemandze Oben
Advocacy Specialist, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Introduction

Since 2017 Cameroon has been faced with a separatist insurrection widely referred to as—the Anglophone crisis. It has had devastating effects on the country, and over its bloody course, has been considered the most neglected conflict in the world, with thousands of lives lost and about a million others displaced. Transitional justice tools can provide a pathway for addressing the underlying causes of the conflict and promoting reconciliation and sustainable peace. The OHCHR defines it as, ‘‘the full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempt to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past conflict, repression, violations and abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation’’. While in the African context, the African Union’s Transitional Justice Policy (AUTJP) defines it as ‘‘the various (formal and traditional or non-formal) policy measures and institutional mechanisms that societies, through an inclusive consultative process, adopt in order to overcome past violations, divisions and inequalities and to create conditions for both security and democratic and socio-economic transformation’’. However, as would be subsequently seen, the success of these measures is largely dependent on the independence of the judiciary.

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When the next generation of leaders forgets God: State, religion and the dilemma of the interpretation of article 8 of the Constitution of Kenya in the not-so-distant future.

Alex-TameiAuthor: Alex Tamei
Law student, Kabarak University School of Law, Kenya

Article eight of the Constitution of Kenya states very succinctly that Kenya shall have no state religion, [i]effectively rendering Kenya a secular state.  Several disagreements have arisen because of this minimalist approach taken by the constitution in addressing the relationship between religion and the state. An example is the numerous ‘headscarves cases’ [ii] which according to Mukami Wangai, brought to the surface the confusion in deciding exactly which strain of secularism the 2010 Constitution envisioned for Kenyans. [iii]

Shortly after his ascension to the seat of president of the republic, His Excellency William Samoei Ruto caused a fresh round of debate to ensue on the relationship between state and religion by inviting several clergymen into his official residence at statehouse. Naturally this rankled some people the wrong way. [iv]   One such iteration of this debate occurred at Kabarak University during the second edition of the Meet the Author Series where Professor J. Osogo Ambani and a plenary of distinguished contributors came together to tackle the issue at hand through the lens of Professor Ambani’s book, Africa and the decolonization of state religious practice.

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Ballot or bullet? Time for African youths to make a choice

Murithi-AntonyAuthor: Murithi Antony
LL.B student, University of Embu

“I call heaven and earth as witnesses against you today, that I have set before you life and death, the blessing and curse; therefore, you shall choose life in order that you may live, you and your descendants…”

– The Holy Bible, Deuteronomy 30:19 (Amplified Version)

Introduction

The message in the Book of Deuteronomy generally is directed to the new generation that was born in the desert during the 40 years of wandering in which the generation of exodus passed away. The Book puts forward foundational truths, which if the young generation shall abide by, they will succeed. It states that there is life and death, and advises them to choose life, but leaves the option to their discretion. This can to a large extent be equated with the happenings of contemporary African societies whereby the current youth generation, which was born in the desert of problems, neo-colonialism, tribalism, corruption and violence have an opportunity to change the status quo through voting and advocating for peace. Similar to how the Israelites were given choices, the current generation also has a choice to either vote and take charge of their future; or abstain from voting, and choose political, social and economic death. I tell them: “Choose to vote, in order that you may take charge of your destiny, and your generation shall find a better place to live in.”

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To be a healthy democratic state, Ethiopia needs Stability through Peace and Security, Inclusive Development, and Good Governance.

Henok-KebedeAuthor: Henok Kebede
Lecturer, School of Law at Hawassa University, Ethiopia

Ethiopia is at a crossroads. Despite recorded double-digit economic growth for more than a decade, the arguably slight opening of the political space and the increasing awareness of citizens about their rights and duties, the absence of a clear path to democracy through an institutionally designed system put Ethiopia at the crossroad. Though Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed pledged to reform Ethiopia’s authoritarian state, recently, Ethiopia is going through a hysterical period of political uncertainties whereby one cannot easily venture where the country is heading. Some suggested that Ethiopia is on the right track to democracy, and Abiy Ahmed is playing the dominant role. Others reject the idea that Ethiopia is getting into democracy, saying the reform government is just as undemocratic as its predecessors; it is instead an ‘old wine in a new bottle’.   

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Reflecting on the South Sudan we want: 10 years on after independence

Joseph-Geng-AkechAuthor: Joseph Geng Akech
South Sudanese human rights lawyer and LLD candidate, University of Pretoria, South Africa

Summary

New nations struggle to find their route to stability, and they have the opportunity to learn from those which have already travelled the path towards nation-building. The birth of South Sudan was received with joy, far and wide, as it emerged out of decades of sacrifices for principles that every South Sudanese believe in – justice, liberty and prosperity. The  hard-won new State was born with much hope, but it rapidly became a monster of its own making. Consumed by  senseless wars, endemic corruption and underdevelopment – iniquities which fomented popular resistance and drove the need for secession.

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A shift towards culture and skills development: A solution for internally displaced persons in Nigeria

Tim Sahliu BraimahAuthor: Tim Sahliu Braimah
Human Rights Researcher

The ongoing insurgency by Boko Haram and the terrorist activities it has perpetrated since 2009 has led to a huge displacement of people from Northern Nigeria. According to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, there is an estimated 2,152,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Nigeria. While there is no international binding instrument for IDPs, Nigeria is a signatory to the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention). Nigeria ratified the Kampala Convention on 17 April 2012 which means that it has a primary duty and responsibility to provide protection and humanitarian assistance to IDPs within Nigeria.[1] Irrespective of this ratification, Nigeria’s treatment of IDPs remains poor. According to reports, some challenges IDPs face in camps include inconsistent and poor feeding, poor sanitary conditions, and a lack of proper medical conditions and security.[2]

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Call for a corruption-free Africa: A rights based approach

DuniaMekonnenTegegnAuthor: Dunia Mekonnen Tegegn
Human rights lawyer, Ethiopia

Corruption is a threat to human rights in that it erodes accountability and results in impunity. Given the interdependence of human rights, the impact of corruption on the whole spectrum of human rights; economic social and cultural rights as well as that of the civil and political rights is significant. It fundamentally distorts the machineries necessary for the realization of human rights namely good governance and rule of law.

Corruption undermines a government’s ability to deliver goods and services. It results in discriminations in the use and enjoyment of human rights. It further undermines the ability of individuals to access justice and corrode their role as active participants in decisions that affect them within the public service. Corruption has a disproportionate impact on vulnerable groups such as women, children and the poor as it decreases funds available for the provision of basic services like education, health and social services that these groups are mostly dependent on.

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