The Changing Nature of Conflicts is putting a new strain on Human Rights

Michael-AbonekaAuthor: Michael Aboneka
Advocate of the Courts of Judicature of Uganda

There is a new shift from the conventional war of state-to-state confrontations to new forms of conflict with no clear boundaries between military and civilian spheres.[1] According to the Alert 2024 Report, 2023 recorded 36 armed conflicts the highest ever since 2014 with new cases in Ethiopia, Somalia, DRC, Sudan and Israel-Hezbollah.[2] This article explores how these new forms of conflicts have increased starvation, forced displacement and violence against children, in the face of increasing rise of non-state actors involved in conflict.

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The impact of internet shutdown on freedom of expression in Ethiopia

Fenot-Mekonen-HailuAuthor: Fenot Mekonen Hailu
LLM Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

Access to the internet is essential for many aspects of daily life. Even though it is not explicitly classified as a human right, it is considered an enabler for the enjoyment of human rights.[1] One of the threats to internet access nowadays is internet shutdowns. An internet shutdown typically involves the deliberate disruption of internet or electronic communications, rendering them partially or fully inaccessible.[2] These shutdowns often target specific populations or regions to control the flow of information, though they can sometimes impact entire countries.[3] Despite the internet’s crucial role in communication, information sharing, and exercising fundamental freedoms, internet shutdowns have become an alarming issue across the world.[4] The internet has greatly enhanced free speech, enabling individuals to express their opinions without fear of censorship or retribution. It has also encouraged the exchange of ideas and facilitated the spread of information, benefiting society.[5] However, this fundamental right is threatened in Ethiopia by a concerning pattern of internet shutdowns. In response to protests, civil unrest, and other forms of social and political activism, the government has resorted to invasive shutdowns. These measures significantly limit citizens’ freedom of expression, impede democratic dialogue, and obstruct the flow of essential information in society, [6]leaving millions uninformed and potentially infringing on their rights to freedom of expression, access to information, assembly, and association, as well as other human rights.[7]The right to freedom of expression is protected under international law and most national constitutions. This right has evolved to encompass the internet as a vital communication medium, raising important questions about the extent to which internet access is protected under existing normative principles.[8]

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Analysing Ethiopia’s Adherence with the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa: A Spotlight on the 2021 National Election 

Yeabsira-TeferiAuthor: Yeabsira Teferi
Lecturer of law, School of Law, Dilla University, Ethiopia

Introduction

A fundamental element of democracy is the freedom to choose political leaders through elections. As envisaged under Article 13 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (the African Charter), for elections to be free, fair and credible, the electorate must have access to information at all stages of the electoral process.  

The Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, a special mechanism established by the African Commission, with the specific mandate of monitoring member states’ compliance with article 9 of the African Charter adopted the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa (hereinafter, the Guidelines), in 2017.[i] The Guidelines provide directions on access to information in the electoral process as a means of strengthening democratic governance in Africa and specifically incorporates the principle of proactive disclosure of information. The principle of proactive disclosure requires that those who hold information of public interest must routinely provide such information to the public even without being requested to do so.

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The Maputo Protocol: Abolitionist or tolerative approach to polygamy, in the light of Ethiopia’s reservation?

meronAuthor: Meron Eshetu Birhanu
Technical Assistant, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR)

Despite growing modernity and advocacy for women’s rights, polygamy remains a common practice embraced by social, cultural, and religious norms[1] in most parts of Africa, including Ethiopia. The highest proportion of polygamy in Africa is found in the so-called ‘polygamy belt’, which spans from Senegal in West Africa to Tanzania in East Africa.[2] According to the 2016 Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey, 11 percent of married women in Ethiopia are in polygamous relationships, of which 9 percent have one co-wife and 2 percent have two or more co-wives.[3]

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Juridical Implication of Article 12 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Psychosocial Disability in the Health Sector of Ethiopia

Hawi-AsfawAuthor: Hawi Asfaw
Associate Human Rights Officer, Ethiopian Human Rights Commission

Recognition of legal capacity is inseparably linked with the enjoyment of rights in the health sector since it is a prerequisite for a person to fully control his or her health and to make a free and informed decision concerning sexual, reproductive, and mental health. Article 12 of the Convention on the Right of Persons with Disability (CRPD) to which Ethiopia is a party, provides that states should recognize the legal capacity of persons with disability and provide them with access to support in the exercise of their legal capacity which in no way amount to substitute decision making. Additionally, article 25(d) of the CRPD states that the right to health includes the right to health care on the bases of free and informed consent which presupposes the recognition and protection of legal capacity by the state for its enforcement. Read the rest of this entry »


Inclusive national dialogue and accountability for rights violations can heal Ethiopia from a culture of impunity

DuniaMekonnenTegegnAuthor: Dunia Mekonnen Tegegn
Human Rights Lawyer and Gender equality advocate

On 3 November 2020, conflict broke out between the Tigray People Liberation Front and Ethiopia’s National Defense Forces when the Tigray People Liberation Front assaulted the Northern command. Due to the conflict in Ethiopia, women and girls continue to bear the brunt of the cruel and inhuman acts committed by all parties involved in the conflict for the last 17 months. Many have lost their lives, suffered sexual violence, been displaced, and starved. Young girls, women living with disability, older women, and refugee women have been the target of brutal sexual violence. These crimes are horrific in nature as they represent the level of vengeance and humiliation pursued by actors to the conflict. Reports have highlighted the extent of these violations and implicated all sides to the conflict in war crimes and crimes against humanity.     Read the rest of this entry »


Marital rape as a human rights violation of women in Ethiopia: a case study of Alumni association of the faculty of law of Addis Ababa University and Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA)

Kebkab-Sirgew-GelawAuthor: Kebkab Sirgew Gelaw
International Human Rights Lawyer

The concept of rape of a woman by her husband in marriage was not a transgression at all because a man was allowed to treat ‘his chattel as he deemed appropriate’; thus, women who were forced to have sex in their marriage did not even have the option of seeking criminal prosecution.[1] The first marital rape case to reach the US court system took place in 1978 in New Jersey, when Daniel Morrison was found guilty of raping his estranged wife. Six months later, in Oregon, John Rideout became the first husband charged with rape while living with his wife.[2]  Rideout was acquitted and brought attention to the concept that rape can exist within the context of marriage.

Many states in the US including Minnesota at that time defended forced sexual intercourse committed by a man against a woman and not his wife; though there have been subsequent prosecutions of marital rape, but in general, the cases were charged to win, primary because the question of consent is clouded by societal beliefs about marriage.[3]

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Reevaluating AGOA as a Preferential Scheme and the Path to Follow: From Ethiopia’s Perspective

Meaza-Haddis-GebeyehuAuthor: Meaza Haddis Gebeyehu
Lecturer, Hawassa University, School of Law

One of the positive impacts of economic globalization is the shift of most, although not all, international trade relations into a rule-based, secure and institutionalized system instead of an arbitrary one. WTO and modern-time RTAs are the results of a long-term process since the 1940s which can be taken as a major step for the systematic regulation of international trade as a continuation of the structure from GATT 1947.

Eight rounds of negotiations took place during the GATT 1947 regime[1] during which the economic interests of most developing and least developed countries were underrepresented or totally ignored as the major parties to the negotiations were developed nations. Hence, developing and LDCs are left with the only choice of complying with the already established rules if they wish to be integrated into the multilateral system.

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To be a healthy democratic state, Ethiopia needs Stability through Peace and Security, Inclusive Development, and Good Governance.

Henok-KebedeAuthor: Henok Kebede
Lecturer, School of Law at Hawassa University, Ethiopia

Ethiopia is at a crossroads. Despite recorded double-digit economic growth for more than a decade, the arguably slight opening of the political space and the increasing awareness of citizens about their rights and duties, the absence of a clear path to democracy through an institutionally designed system put Ethiopia at the crossroad. Though Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed pledged to reform Ethiopia’s authoritarian state, recently, Ethiopia is going through a hysterical period of political uncertainties whereby one cannot easily venture where the country is heading. Some suggested that Ethiopia is on the right track to democracy, and Abiy Ahmed is playing the dominant role. Others reject the idea that Ethiopia is getting into democracy, saying the reform government is just as undemocratic as its predecessors; it is instead an ‘old wine in a new bottle’.   

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Time to consider decriminalising homosexuality in Ethiopia

Rehim-Baharu-ElalaAuthor: Rehim Baharu Elala
Intern, Ethiopian Community Development Council

LGBT data in Ethiopia

Ethiopia revised its Criminal Code in 2004 and criminalised homosexual or indecent acts both between men and women,  with those convicted facing terms of imprisonment.[1] Same-sex acts will be punished with imprisonment of not less than a year, or in ‘grave’ cases, rigorous imprisonment of up to 15 years.[2] The justifications for criminalising the acts are mostly associated with the strict societal norms and religion.

There is no study or research conducted to know the exact number of LGBTQ people in Ethiopia. I interviewed two members of the LGBTQ in Ethiopia who are working in legal and health professions when I was writing a Seminar Paper for my LGBTQ Health Law and Policy class.[3] My informants told me that the estimate data shows that there are around 50,000-60,000 people who identify themselves as LGBTQ in the capital Addis Ababa alone.[4] They also stated that the major source of the anti-gay sentiment originates from the religious authorities.[5] This is because homosexuals are always portrayed in a dangerous manner by the religious institutions as child abusers and destroyers of Ethiopian values.[6] An Ethiopian law professor states the influence of religious groups in the following words:

“There is complete silence around LGBT experiences because there is no forum for stories about the violence meted out by the state and family members on a day-to-day basis… My biggest fear is that these religious organisations are monopolising the conversation and perpetuating a fear that is becoming impossible to combat.”[7]

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