More of the Humourist
Posted: 4 March, 2025 Filed under: Saniamu Ngeywa | Tags: abductions, art, cartoonists, cartoons, democracy, freedom of expression, governmental persecution, increased taxes, Kenya, lawless treatment, print media, rights of all to receive information, tools for creatively, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, violence Leave a comment
Author: Saniamu Ngeywa
LLM, University of Groningen, Netherlands
No Laughing Matter
Retrogressive times and events have taken Kenya back to an all-too-familiar phase, rendering citizens, funny guys, dissidents, and rights defenders shivering. Social media enthusiasts banter that political positions should have an undisputed requirement that the applicant must be able to take a joke, lest an exaggerated doodle puts a cartoonist in, to put it lightly, a sticky situation – governmental persecution, abductions, and lawless treatment.
African countries have, in the past, seen their artists persecuted for wordlessly conveying opinions. The pen, wielded as an instrument of resistance, has led to those in power bringing a gun to the proverbial knife fight against the satirist. Kenya, as a nation that prides itself in democracy, finds itself in an ironic position as it silences the ‘different’ opinion, hazardously blurring the line between democracy and dictatorship. The recent abduction and much-delayed release of cartoonists remind us that despite constitutional protections for freedom of expression, the political elite’s intolerance mirrors that of regimes far less free.
The Weight of Votes: Analysing the Principle of Equality in Kenya’s Electoral Boundaries
Posted: 6 November, 2024 Filed under: Uday Makokha Keya | Tags: Constitution of Kenya, customary international law, democracy, electoral body, electoral boundaries, electoral system, Independent Electoral Boundary Review Commission, Kenya, legal framework, population quota, Principle of Equality, protected constituencies, UDHR, unfair representation, Universal Declaration of Human Rights Leave a comment
Author: Uday Makokha Keya
Third-year law student, Kabarak University
“A vote is like a rifle: its usefulness depends upon the character of the user”
-Theodore Roosevelt.
“Democracy amplifies the notion of legitimacy of the government and that people are the source of authority for the government. Conversely, democracy can as well be curtailed, and serve as a tool to access power for the elites.”[1]
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) asserts that the legitimate source of authority for the government is the people,[2] and for a government to be legitimate, it ought to draw its authority from the people. While the UDHR is not a treaty, there is predominant consensus that it forms part of customary international law and should therefore be implemented by all states. To that effect, the 2010 Constitution of Kenya provides that citizens have a right to elect their leaders.[3] Further, the law provides that elections for every representative are conducted after every five years.[4]
Protecting African spirituality from stigmatisation: Reflections on the ongoing enquiry by the judicial conduct tribunal into Judge Nomonde Mngqibisa-Thusi’s conduct
Posted: 23 May, 2024 Filed under: Kodisang Bokaba, Konanani Happy Raligilia, Mametlwe Sebei | Tags: African jurisprudence, African spirituality, alleged misconduct, Bill of Rights, culture, Gogo Aubrey Matshiqi, indigenous African people, Judicial Conduct Tribunal, judicial responsibilities, Nomonde Mngqibisa-Thusi, physical isolation, right to religion, Universal Declaration of Human Rights 2 Comments![]() |
Author: Konanani Raligilia Senior Lecturer, Department of Jurisprudence, UNISA |
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Author: Kodisang Bokaba Senior Lecturer, Department of Jurisprudence, UNISA |
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Author: Mametlwe Sebei Contract Lecturer, UNISA |
The question of African spirituality came into the spotlight at the Judicial Conduct Tribunal (Tribunal) into Judge Nomonde Mngqibisa-Thusi’s alleged misconduct for her failure to hand down over 20 judgments due to, among other factors, African spirituality. The Tribunal was held in-camera primarily because Judge Mngqibisa-Thusi was battling with health and personal issues. One of her witnesses was traditional healer, Gogo Aubrey Matshiqi, who testified that the “question of African spirituality must be put on the judicial agenda.” Indeed, African spirituality should not be viewed in isolation from the Constitution. The same Constitution makes provision for the right to religion, belief, and opinion in section 15(1) and to the enjoyment of everyone’s culture, practise their religion and use their language under section 31(1)(a) of the Bill of Rights respectively.
The right to health for refugees in South Africa: Concrete reality or wishful thinking?
Posted: 13 December, 2017 Filed under: Cristiano d'Orsi | Tags: 2003 National Health Act, African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights, CEDAW, domestic law, health services, healthcare services, ICERD, ICESCR, National Strategic Health Plan, OHCHR, political rights, refugee convention, refugees, right to health, right to health care, SAHRC, socio-economic rights, South Africa, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, xenophobia 1 Comment
Author: Cristiano d’Orsi
Research Fellow and Lecturer at the South African Research Chair in International Law (SARCIL), University of Johannesburg
Scope of the study: How the ‘right to health’ is intended in this work
South Africa (SA) is one of the largest economies in Africa. Since December 2010 the country is a member of the informal association of five major emerging world economies (BRICS) and the only African country to be a member of the G20, the major international forum for economic cooperation and policymaking.
At the end of 2016, SA was reported to be hosting 91,043 refugees.
Although SA has ratified a good number of human rights legal instruments since the end of apartheid, in 1994, , the actual implementation of the rights enshrined in some of them still remain problematic. One such right is the right of refugees to have access to adequate healthcare in the country.
This situation occurs also because access healthcare services in SA, as with many other fundamental rights in the republic, has historically been biased in terms of a number of arbitrary grounds (p. 55).
Child marriage as ‘security’?
Posted: 13 October, 2014 Filed under: Thato Motaung | Tags: ACRWC, Africa, African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC), African traditions, arranged marriages, CEDAW, child marriage, conscription, Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Eritrea, military service, national service, nternational Day of the Girl Child, Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, sexual harassment, torture, traditional beliefs, UNICEF, Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1 Comment
Author: Thato Motaung
Researcher, Centre for Human Rights, Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria
International Day of the Girl Child: 11 October 2014
“The female soldiers did everything we did. In addition they were forced to cook for the commanders, wash their clothes, and some were forced to have sex with them.” – Khalid al-Amin on life as a conscript, Aljazeera interview – Escaping Eritrea’s ‘open prison’ (3 October 2014)
The legal age at which a girl can get married in Eritrea is 18 years, however many marry earlier as an act of great desperation.
Child marriage is prohibited in numerous international human rights instruments, namely; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC) and in the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. That said, child marriage is nevertheless rampant on the African continent. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) figures (2013), out of the 20 countries most affected by child marriage, Africa hosts 15. ‘Typical’ drivers of child marriage include customary/traditional beliefs, desire for economic gain or to provide security. I hesitated at the mention of ‘security’ because how does a minor gain security from being forced to engage in sexual reproduction, childbearing and birth within a completely unprepared body and mind?
Freedom of the press? Not for the Ugandan press
Posted: 20 June, 2013 Filed under: William Aseka | Tags: Africa, African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, African Commission, constitution, Eritrea, freedom of expression, human rights, Human Rights Council, ICCPR, press freedom, right to privacy, Uganda, United Nations, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, World Press Freedom 2 Comments
Author: William Aseka
Program Assistant (Human Rights Advocacy for Children with Disabilities), Governance Consulting
The freedom to form opinions and express them without fear of repression is a fundamental tenet for the development of a pluralistic, tolerant, and democratic society. This right represents not only the right to privacy of individuals to hold opinions and formulate thoughts, but also to express them in a public forum, especially as part of exercising the right to political participation. In addition, the right to access information, that is the right to seek and receive information, which also forms an important component of this right and which has added significance in the current age of information technology, is intrinsic to the transparent functioning of a democratic government and the effective and well-informed participation of civil society. In this context, freedom of opinion, expression and information is one of the core civil and political rights as it is essential for the exercise of all other human rights.
The right to freedom of opinion, expression and information is well-established and protected at both international and regional levels both legally and institutionally. The right is enshrined in various international instruments, namely: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 19), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 19), the International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (Article 5(d)(viii)), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Article 13) and the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders (Article 6). The main international human rights body within the United Nations system, the Human Rights Council, also provides through its system of special procedures for a Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression, which was established in 1993.

Author: Wendy Ashikomela Ashilenje


Author: Bahar Bayhan
Repressive Laws Silencing Dissidents, Deviants and Destabilisers in Uganda
Posted: 5 July, 2024 | Author: AfricLaw | Filed under: Contributors, Stella Nyanzi | Tags: Access to Information, Anti-Homosexuality Act (2023), Anti-Pornography Act, Computer Misuse (Amendment) Act, detained without trial, digital rights, Excise Duty (Amendment) Act, free expression, freedom of expression, General Comment 34, human rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), internet democracy without disruptions, Model Law on Access to Information, Musiri David, President Yoweri Museveni, public information, public media, restrictive laws, social media, Social Media Tax Law, state repression, Uganda, Uganda Human Rights Commission, Universal Declaration of Human Rights | 1 CommentWriters-in-Exile program, PEN Zentrum Deutschland
Fellow, Center for Ethical Writing, Bard College/ PEN America.
Summary
In Uganda, there is an incongruence between the legal regime governing access to information and freedom of expression on one hand, and a barrage of restrictive laws on the other. Although a decade has passed since the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights adopted the Model Law on Access to Information for Africa, growing state repression in Uganda generated laws aimed at silencing, denying access to information, criminalising and penalising government dissidents, deviants or minorities whose behaviours departed from societal norms, and destabilisers suspected of subverting the entrenchment of President Yoweri Museveni’s 37-year-old regime. I triangulate autoethnography with public media content analysis and law review to explore this incongruence within the right of access to information and free expression in Uganda.
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