Posted: 20 November, 2025 | Author: AfricLaw | Filed under: Carolyn W. Gatonye | Tags: cited torture, civil war, crimes against humanity, EAC, East Africa, East African Court of Justice, enforced disappearance, fundamental freedoms violation, gender equity, harassment, human dignity, human rights defenders, human rights violations, jurisdiction, jurisprudence, political sensitivities, rising repression, silence of justice, unlawful arrests, unlawful imprisonment |

Author: Carolyn W. Gatonye
Kabarak University
The silence of the East African Community (EAC) in the face of rising repression in Tanzania is deafening. Yet, this is hardly new thunder in the EAC bloc. Time and again, the region has watched storms gather over its neighbors; tremble, then retreat. Its response to human rights violations has slowly been morphing into a modern norm, where crises within partner states are met with studied indifference. No meaningful condemnation, no show of solidarity with those whose rights are violated, just mere silence, setting a dangerous precedent that suggests member states may violate fundamental freedoms without fear of regional scrutiny. It’s from this refusal to speak out, that the EAC risks complicity in the very injustices its Treaty seeks to prevent.
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Posted: 18 June, 2025 | Author: AfricLaw | Filed under: Hlengiwe Dube | Tags: #NoToHate, AI, Artificial intelligence, communication landscapes, Countering Hate Speech, cyber-harassment, cyberstalking, Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa, discrimination, freedom of expression, gender equality, gender-based violence, gender-sensitive enforcement mechanisms, hate speech, hateful messages, hostility, human dignity, interconnected digital age, International Day for Countering Hate Speech, new technologies, peacebuilding, printed propaganda, sexist hate speech, UN Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech, violence, vulnerable groups |
Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Every year on June 18, the world comes together to observe the International Day for Countering Hate Speech, a solemn reminder that words can wound deeply and sometimes irreparably. Hate speech is not a new problem. Throughout history, language has been weaponised to demean, divide, and destroy, but today, in our interconnected digital age, the scale, speed, and sophistication of hate speech’s spread are unprecedented. This is especially true in Africa, a continent marked by extraordinary diversity in ethnicity, religion, culture, and language, where hate speech can quickly inflame tensions and threaten peace. The devastating consequences of hate speech in Africa are not merely theoretical. The 1994 Rwandan genocide stands as the darkest example, where incendiary radio broadcasts and printed propaganda dehumanised the Tutsi minority, turning words into deadly action. This tragedy also became a powerful lesson in the importance of vigilance, legal safeguards, and coordinated responses to hateful rhetoric.
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Posted: 11 April, 2024 | Author: AfricLaw | Filed under: Nimrod Muhumuza | Tags: constitutional principles, democracy, equality, homosexuality, human dignity, LGBTQ community, LGBTQ persons, mental health, right to health, right to housing, sexual orientation, social justice, Uganda, Uganda Constitutional Court |
Author: Nimrod Muhumuza
Doctoral researcher
Introduction
Stories about “trials by ordeal” abound in Africa and worldwide. In some parts of the continent, these “trials” still exist – with predictably unjust and sometimes fatal results. Trials by ordeal are capricious and unscientific, and the overall system is poor in evaluating evidence, reasoning, and arguments and arriving at a solid judgment. Today, we have a system of courts that is supposed to bring a certain sobriety, meticulousness, reasoning, and coherent judicial philosophy that rises above the occasional hot-headedness of the legislature or the overzealousness of the executive. Regularly, the system works as it should. Other times, it does not. Careful and solid judicial reasoning can still lead to a regressive and disputed decision, and a progressive ruling may come from poor and shaky rationale. Sometimes, a regressive decision may be founded on porous, incoherent, contradictory reasoning, as illustrated by the Uganda Constitutional Court’s (Con-Court) decision on the constitutionality of the Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2023 (AHA), delivered on 3 April 2024.
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Posted: 21 June, 2016 | Author: AfricLaw | Filed under: Saul Leal | Tags: apartheid, Barnett Potters, Constitution of South Africa, democracy, discrimination, freedom, happiness, Hendrik Verwoerd, human dignity, human rights, inequality, non-racialism, non-sexism, policy of separate development, prejudice, racism, right to happiness, sadism, segregation, Steve Biko, superiority |
Author: Saul Leal
Vice-Chancellor Postdoctoral Fellow, Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa (ICLA)
Some political speeches announce tragedies. In South Africa, the tragedy was announced during a radio broadcast on 17 March 1961, when the people heard the following statement: “The policy of separate development is designed for happiness, security, and stability (…) for the Bantu as well as the whites”. It was the first phrase proclaimed by the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, Hendrik Verwoerd, in his Address to the Nation. The policy of separate development would prove to be a scandalous euphemism. Verwoerd continued to promise that “we shall provide all our races with happiness and prosperity”.[1] Verwoerd would become known as “the architect of apartheid”.
The South African Governor-General was Supreme Chief in the Transvaal up until 1956. At that time, Cape Africans were considered too advanced to be treated as an underclass. Elizabeth Landis, an American expert on Southern Africa affairs, explains that the government had to change this consideration, with the explanation that ‘if we want to bring peace and happiness to the Native population (…) then we cannot do otherwise than to apply this principle which has worked so effectively in the other three provinces, to the Native population of the Cape as well (…)”.[2] Happiness therefore becomes a scapegoat.
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Posted: 22 April, 2016 | Author: AfricLaw | Filed under: Saul Leal | Tags: autonomy of will, Brazil, Chinelo Okparanta, Civil Code, constitution, fundamental rights, gay, happiness, homo-affectionate, hope of happiness, human dignity, Justice Celso de Mello, Justice Luiz Fux, love, Nigeria, prejudice, privacy, protection of the right to life, right to equal protection under the law, right to happiness, same-sex affection, same-sex couples, same-sex marriage, sexual discrimination, sexual minorities, United States Declaration of Independence |
Author: Saul Leal
Vice-Chancellor Postdoctoral Fellow, Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa (ICLA)
Chinelo Okparanta is a Nigerian writer, currently living as a citizen in the United States. She understands the prejudices of her native country, especially against homosexuals. In some parts of Nigeria, a gay individual may be stoned to death under the Shari’a law. Okparanta writes, in her lesbian romance Happiness like Water, ‘yes, our love may be hidden, but it is strong. It can still bring happiness’.[1]
Why must the love between two consenting adults be hidden? Should the State have the power to decide towards whom one may show affection? These disconcerting questions may be answered in terms of global Constitutions.
The most important Brazilian decision which entailed the right to happiness was in 2011.[2] The Supreme Court had to rule on the interpretation to be given to article 1.723 of the Civil Code, which only recognizes a common-law relationship between a man and a woman as a family unit which must be public knowledge, continuous, and long-lasting, and be established for the purpose of building a family. The need for the aforementioned ruling resulted from the fact that government bodies refused to grant these rights to homo-affectionate couples. Therefore, the Court had to decide if this union also covered same-sex couples, even though the provision expressly mentions ‘man and a woman’.[3]
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