Objection! The AU Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls, and the Question of Participatory Legitimacy

Author: Dr Mariam Kamunyu
British Academy International Fellow, School of Law and Politics , Cardiff University

In February 2025, the African Union (AU) adopted the African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AUCEVAWG), hailed in some corners as a historic legal instrument addressing gender-based violence across the continent. And yet, for many African feminists, the moment was shocking and bittersweet. The adoption marked the culmination of a drafting process that, by most accounts, was characterised by exclusion and opacity, particularly of the very feminist movements whose decades of advocacy laid the groundwork for such a treaty. This article proffers that the lack of meaningful participation by a cross-section of civil society actors undermines the convention’s political and normative legitimacy, even if its legal validity remains intact.

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Confronting Digital Hate: Africa’s Legal and Ethical Response to Hate Speech

Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Every year on June 18, the world comes together to observe the International Day for Countering Hate Speech, a solemn reminder that words can wound deeply and sometimes irreparably. Hate speech is not a new problem. Throughout history, language has been weaponised to demean, divide, and destroy, but today, in our interconnected digital age, the scale, speed, and sophistication of hate speech’s spread are unprecedented. This is especially true in Africa, a continent marked by extraordinary diversity in ethnicity, religion, culture, and language, where hate speech can quickly inflame tensions and threaten peace. The devastating consequences of hate speech in Africa are not merely theoretical. The 1994 Rwandan genocide stands as the darkest example, where incendiary radio broadcasts and printed propaganda dehumanised the Tutsi minority, turning words into deadly action. This tragedy also became a powerful lesson in the importance of vigilance, legal safeguards, and coordinated responses to hateful rhetoric.

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Peeling back the mask: Analysing the juxtaposition of marital rape and its legalese in Kenya

Author: James Mulei
Kabarak University

“You are mad!” Resian screamed at him. “You are stark mad if you think I am your wife. He repeated quietly, smiling “Whether you scream your heart out, or jump into the deep sea, Resian, you are mine. You are my wife from now henceforth! Let us see how ‘educated’ your body is.” *

The juxtaposition of marital rape has been a subject of discussion, spanning several years if not centuries. Ideally, juxtaposition here refers to contrasting the concept of rape within marriage. Why would a man rape his wife if they are married? Isn’t rape characterised by unconsented sex, where ‘unlawful’ penetration must occur? The immunity of a husband had a long historical tradition, framed by British common law. The immunity of husbands was established by the eminent judge and jurist Sir Matthew Hale in 1736, where he pointed out that a husband cannot be guilty of rape upon his wife for a husband could not be guilty of raping his wife, as marriage implied consent. This theory treated marriage as a contractual agreement where sex was an obligation, making it impossible to prosecute marital rape.[1] This implied that a husband is incapable of raping his wife, meaning that any sexual acts perpetuated within the marriage could not be subject to judicial scrutiny.[2]

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Relearning conflict-related sexual violence: expanding the lens of violence

Lesego-SekhuAuthor: Lesego Sekhu
Research Assistant, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Given the severity of conflict-related sexual violence during intra-state and inter-state conflicts in the last decade, transitional justice and peacebuilding efforts have directed resources to investigating this form of sexual and gender-based violence. They aim to create measures to both prevent and address the consequences of these atrocities. Notwithstanding the intention, the conventional understanding of conflict-related sexual violence is flawed and neglects the continuities and diversity of violence that permits continued impunity for sexual and gender-based violence during conflict.

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Consequences of Child Marriage on the Girl-Child’s Right to Health in South Sudan

Akot-Makur-ChuotAuthor: Akot Makur Chuot
Assistant Lecturer, School of Law, University of Juba, South Sudan

Introduction

Being born a girl in South Sudan is akin to being ‘born a problem.’ I derived this phrase from the article by Marry Ellsberg and others titled, ‘ If You Are Born a Girl in This Crisis, You Are Born a Problem….’ This sums up the dire situation a girl-child faces in South Sudan. Among the many egregious human rights violations experienced by the girl-child in South Sudan is child marriage. This practice has shattered the dreams and lives of many young girls. The rate at which child marriage is negatively affecting the health of the girl-child is alarming and calls for swift action from stakeholders. This is a moral and legal obligation.

With this context in mind this article examines the negative consequences of child marriage on the girl-child’s right to health, assesses the steps South Sudan has taken to curb the phenomenon, and explores the loopholes in the laws and policies.

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Spotlighting ACHPR Resolution 522: Protecting Women Against Digital Violence in Africa

Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

The rise of digital technology has reshaped the world in various ways. While it has promoted progress in communication, education, and economic empowerment, it has also given rise to new forms of gender-based violence. In particular, women in Africa face unique challenges in the digital space, where digital violence, such as cyberstalking, online harassment, and the non-consensual sharing of intimate images, is becoming increasingly prevalent. In response to this growing issue, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) adopted a landmark resolution in 2022 aimed at addressing the protection of women from digital violence. This resolution (ACHPR/Res. 522 (LXXII) 2022) is an important step in ensuring that women’s rights are upheld in the digital realm, as part of the broader agenda of combating gender-based violence.

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The National Sex Offenders Registry: Offenders’ Right to Privacy v The Safety of Potential Victims

Livhuwani-MaleleloAuthor: Livhuwani Malelelo
LLB candidate, University of Johannesburg

The National Register for Sex Offenders (NRSO) is a list of convicted sexual offenders and although South Africa has an alarming rate of gender-based violence, this list only contains the names of offenders of sexual crimes against children and mentally disabled persons, meaning that the main purpose of this registry is to protect children and mentally disabled persons from these types of offenders. This list is not open to the public but is only open to institutions such as preschools, schools, hospitals etc so they can check if an employee or potential employee is a convicted sex offender. This is so as to protect the offenders right to privacy. Unfortunately, the NRSO seemingly prioritises the right to privacy of the offenders instead of protecting potential victims of said offender. 

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Sexual and gender-violence against women in the Sudanese conflict

Joris-Joel-Fomba-TalaAuthor: Joris Joël Fomba Tala

Researcher, Centre for International and Community Law

Introduction  

The conflict that broke out in Sudan (Republic of Sudan) on 15 April 2023 between two rival military factions has had disastrous consequences for women. Dubbed the “war of the generals”, the conflict pits Sudan’s armed forces against the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). In its 2024 report, UNFPA said it was very concerned about the escalation of cases of gender-based violence in the Sudanese conflict. This particularly alarming against the background of an already dire situation of women’s rights in Sudan before the outbreak of hostilities, as the Special Rapporteur on violence against women reported about Sudan in 2016. Almost a year after, the fighting continues in the main cities of Sudan, but the fact remains that Sudan still has no functioning government. UN Women says it is “shocked and condemns reports of increasing gender-based violence in Sudan, including conflict-related sexual violence against women and displaced and refugee women”. In the same vein, UN Women Africa expressed its deep concern about the serious consequences of the Sudanese conflict on women and girls and called for immediate action against the violence they face. However, in a context of armed confrontation, it is undeniable that both parties do not respect international legal standards and commit serious violations against women and girls. This article discusses the application of the relevant legal rules for the protection of women applicable to the Sudanese conflict. The first section will identify these rules. The article will then analyse the various forms of sexual and gender-based violence prevailing against women and finally make proposals for better protection of women in the Sudanese conflict.

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Threats to #EndFGM Law in The Gambia

Author: Satang Nabaneh
Legal Scholar & Human Rights Practitioner
Musu-Bakoto-Sawo Author: Musu Bakoto Sawo
Gambian feminist and human rights lawyer

In 2015, The Gambia introduced legislation banning female genital mutilation (FGM) through an amendment of the Women’s Act of 2010, following decades of advocacy and sensitization efforts led by civil society organisations (CSOs) and community groups. Section 32A of the Women’s (Amendment) Act of 2015 makes it an offence for any person to engage in female circumcision. Whoever contravenes it is liable on conviction to a term of imprisonment of three years or a fine or both. The Act also stipulates a life sentence when the circumcision results in death. Section 32B (1) addresses those who commission the procedure, stipulating  that ‘a person who requests, incites or promotes female circumcision by providing tools or by any other means commits an offence and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of three years or a fine of fifty thousand Dalasis or both’. In addition, a fine of ten thousand Dalasis (approximately $153) as provided in section 32B (2) of the Act is levied against anyone who knows about the practice and fails to report it without a good cause.

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#gameofphones: Examining the social media regulatory regimes across Africa

Blessing-Temitope-OguntuaseAuthor: Blessing Temitope Oguntuase
Lawyer

Blood, gore, and broken human bones sprawled across the blood tainted soil for miles and miles, the stereotypical image of a war-torn battlefield. Over a century ago, one might have thought it impossible for the iconic swords and bullets to be traded for smartphones and twiddling fingers. Who could have imagined the metal battle armours being replaced with the anonymity of a social media profile?

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