Confronting Digital Hate: Africa’s Legal and Ethical Response to Hate Speech

Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Every year on June 18, the world comes together to observe the International Day for Countering Hate Speech, a solemn reminder that words can wound deeply and sometimes irreparably. Hate speech is not a new problem. Throughout history, language has been weaponised to demean, divide, and destroy, but today, in our interconnected digital age, the scale, speed, and sophistication of hate speech’s spread are unprecedented. This is especially true in Africa, a continent marked by extraordinary diversity in ethnicity, religion, culture, and language, where hate speech can quickly inflame tensions and threaten peace. The devastating consequences of hate speech in Africa are not merely theoretical. The 1994 Rwandan genocide stands as the darkest example, where incendiary radio broadcasts and printed propaganda dehumanised the Tutsi minority, turning words into deadly action. This tragedy also became a powerful lesson in the importance of vigilance, legal safeguards, and coordinated responses to hateful rhetoric.

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More of the Humourist

Author: Saniamu Ngeywa
LLM, University of Groningen, Netherlands

No Laughing Matter

Retrogressive times and events have taken Kenya back to an all-too-familiar phase, rendering citizens, funny guys, dissidents, and rights defenders shivering. Social media enthusiasts banter that political positions should have an undisputed requirement that the applicant must be able to take a joke, lest an exaggerated doodle puts a cartoonist in, to put it lightly, a sticky situation – governmental persecution, abductions, and lawless treatment.

African countries have, in the past, seen their artists persecuted for wordlessly conveying opinions. The pen, wielded as an instrument of resistance, has led to those in power bringing a gun to the proverbial knife fight against the satirist. Kenya, as a nation that prides itself in democracy, finds itself in an ironic position as it silences the ‘different’ opinion, hazardously blurring the line between democracy and dictatorship. The recent abduction and much-delayed release of cartoonists remind us that despite constitutional protections for freedom of expression, the political elite’s intolerance mirrors that of regimes far less free.

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The impact of internet shutdown on freedom of expression in Ethiopia

Fenot-Mekonen-HailuAuthor: Fenot Mekonen Hailu
LLM Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

Access to the internet is essential for many aspects of daily life. Even though it is not explicitly classified as a human right, it is considered an enabler for the enjoyment of human rights.[1] One of the threats to internet access nowadays is internet shutdowns. An internet shutdown typically involves the deliberate disruption of internet or electronic communications, rendering them partially or fully inaccessible.[2] These shutdowns often target specific populations or regions to control the flow of information, though they can sometimes impact entire countries.[3] Despite the internet’s crucial role in communication, information sharing, and exercising fundamental freedoms, internet shutdowns have become an alarming issue across the world.[4] The internet has greatly enhanced free speech, enabling individuals to express their opinions without fear of censorship or retribution. It has also encouraged the exchange of ideas and facilitated the spread of information, benefiting society.[5] However, this fundamental right is threatened in Ethiopia by a concerning pattern of internet shutdowns. In response to protests, civil unrest, and other forms of social and political activism, the government has resorted to invasive shutdowns. These measures significantly limit citizens’ freedom of expression, impede democratic dialogue, and obstruct the flow of essential information in society, [6]leaving millions uninformed and potentially infringing on their rights to freedom of expression, access to information, assembly, and association, as well as other human rights.[7]The right to freedom of expression is protected under international law and most national constitutions. This right has evolved to encompass the internet as a vital communication medium, raising important questions about the extent to which internet access is protected under existing normative principles.[8]

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Redefining criminal defamation laws in South Sudan for enhanced press freedom: Lessons from Konaté v. Burkina Faso

Mayen-Mangok-RuopAuthor: Mayen Mangok Ruop
LLM Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

Despite a global shift toward decriminalisation, 160 countries still maintain criminal defamation laws. These laws are often justified as targeting disinformation, misinformation, cybercrime, or hate speech. However, they frequently include vague language or impose disproportionate punishments, which can negatively impact media freedom and pose a broader threat to freedom of expression. While a few African countries have adopted the decriminalisation regimes, many countries still maintain strict defamation laws. In South Sudan, criminal defamation is frequently used for stifling journalists and restricting press freedom, thereby obstructing the nation’s democratisation efforts.

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Mozambique’s struggle for the freedom of peaceful assembly: A complex reality that reaps lives

Denise-IvoneAuthor: Denise Ivone Mboana
LLM Student, University of Sussex

Introduction

This article aims to provide a brief analysis of the freedom of peaceful assembly in Mozambique. Nestled along Africa’s southeastern coast, Mozambique has a vibrant cultural history. Nevertheless, the nation has confronted substantial challenges rooted in its colonial past and internal conflicts, notably the “16 years’ war” involving the ruling Frelimo party (in power since independence) and the main opposition Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) party. Following the 1994 peace agreement that concluded the civil war, Mozambique transitioned to a multiparty system, enabling other political parties to participate in elections; after this period of turbulence, the country has made significant progress in recent years towards political stability and economic development.[1] However, in terms of civil participation and freedoms, The Civicus Monitor, a reputable global civil society alliance, ranks Mozambique’s status as “oppressed”[2] and recent events and the current pre-election scenario confirm this assessment. The restrictions on civil liberties, limited freedom of expression, and suppression of dissent are indicative of the challenges faced by Mozambican citizens in exercising their democratic rights.

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Misinformation and disinformation in the digital age and its impact on the information ecosystem

Nomyezo-MqheleAuthor: Nomyezo Mqhele 
Multi-disciplinary human rights lawyer

Traditional media has been replaced with social media as a source of reliable news.[1] South Africa has reached 26 million social media users as of January 2024.[2]   This represents a three-fold increase from 9.8 million users in 2014 and highlights the increasing dependence of people on social media instead of traditional media.[3] This heavy social media dependency creates space for information disorder to filter through. The pervasiveness of information disorder presents a serious threat to the information ecosystem, and to society, as it has the potential to significantly alter beliefs, behaviors and policy. Such information is rarely false, but it is used to distort understanding by including elements of accurate and inaccurate claims, making it complicated to judge fair and accurate information.

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The National Security Bill of 2024: A threat to freedom of expression in South Sudan

Akot-Makur-ChuotAuthor: Akot Makur Chuot
LLM Candidate, Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa, University of Pretoria

Introduction

On 3 July 2024, the Revitalised National Transitional Legislative Assembly of South Sudan passed the controversial National Security Bill, which among others empowers (sections 54 & 55) the National Security Services to make arrests and detain anyone suspected of having committed an offence against the state without a warrant of arrest. The Bill was controversially passed by a vote of 274 in favour and 114 against, with 3 abstentions. This is in the face of a democratic transition as South Sudan heads to poll on 22 in December 2024 as per the announcement of the National Elections Commission. If the President does not sign the Bill within 30 days from the day it was passed, it will automatically become law.

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Repressive Laws Silencing Dissidents, Deviants and Destabilisers in Uganda

Stella-NyanziAuthor: Stella Nyanzi
Writers-in-Exile program, PEN Zentrum Deutschland
Fellow, Center for Ethical Writing, Bard College/ PEN America.

Summary

In Uganda, there is an incongruence between the legal regime governing access to information and freedom of expression on one hand, and a barrage of restrictive laws on the other. Although a decade has passed since the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights adopted the Model Law on Access to Information for Africa, growing state repression in Uganda generated laws aimed at silencing, denying access to information, criminalising and penalising government dissidents, deviants or minorities whose behaviours departed from societal norms, and destabilisers suspected of subverting the entrenchment of President Yoweri Museveni’s 37-year-old regime. I triangulate autoethnography with public media content analysis and law review to explore this incongruence within the right of access to information and free expression in Uganda.

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Implementation of the access to information law in Nigeria

Jacob-O-ArowosegbeAuthor: Jacob O Arowosegbe
Solicitor and advocate of the Supreme Court of Nigeria

Introduction

Implicit in the guarantee for freedom of expression under section 39(1) of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution[1] is the right to receive and disseminate information and since this right is meaningless without a corresponding right to freedom of access to information, the latter is by implication granted. The right is, however, superseded by the constitutional recognition of the right of the government to restrict access to certain information confidentially received or which it considers prejudicial to public security, order, health, and morality.[2] An example of a law enacted to restrict access to government-held information is the Official Secrets Act, 1962.[3] Under the Act, virtually any information only needs to be placed under a system of security classification currently in use to deny members of the public access to it.[4] Public officials are in fact routinely required to keep sealed lips concerning the conduct of government business.

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