Mozambique’s struggle for the freedom of peaceful assembly: A complex reality that reaps lives
Posted: 18 September, 2024 Filed under: Denise Ivone Mboana | Tags: Amnesty International, Azagaia, civil war, economic development, excessive force, Excessive Use of Force, freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly, human rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Intimidation of victims, lack of transparency, Mozambican National Resistance, Mozambique, multiparty system, peaceful assembly, peaceful protests, police suppression, Regional and International Human Rights Instruments, Restrictive Legal Framework, street protests, The Civicus Monitor, Universal Declaration on Human Rights, unrest, violence 8 Comments
Author: Denise Ivone Mboana
LLM Student, University of Sussex
Introduction
This article aims to provide a brief analysis of the freedom of peaceful assembly in Mozambique. Nestled along Africa’s southeastern coast, Mozambique has a vibrant cultural history. Nevertheless, the nation has confronted substantial challenges rooted in its colonial past and internal conflicts, notably the “16 years’ war” involving the ruling Frelimo party (in power since independence) and the main opposition Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) party. Following the 1994 peace agreement that concluded the civil war, Mozambique transitioned to a multiparty system, enabling other political parties to participate in elections; after this period of turbulence, the country has made significant progress in recent years towards political stability and economic development.[1] However, in terms of civil participation and freedoms, The Civicus Monitor, a reputable global civil society alliance, ranks Mozambique’s status as “oppressed”[2] and recent events and the current pre-election scenario confirm this assessment. The restrictions on civil liberties, limited freedom of expression, and suppression of dissent are indicative of the challenges faced by Mozambican citizens in exercising their democratic rights.
The impact of trade-based money laundering on economic growth & development
Posted: 10 July, 2024 Filed under: Nasubila Ng’ambi, Yeabsira Teferi | Tags: AfCFTA, Africa, African Continental Free Trade Area, cultural development, economic development, Global Financial Integrity, illicit financial flows, right to economic development, Sustainable Development Goals, TBML, trade based money laundering Leave a comment
Author: Nasubila Ng’ambi
LLB (cum laude) Nelson Mandela University
Introduction
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is the African Union’s flagship regional economic integration project.[1] The AfCFTA aspires to lift 30 million people out of extreme poverty and to increase Africa’s income by $450 billion by 2035.[2] These goals are set to give effect to both Agenda 2063 and the UN’s sustainable development goals (SDGS).[3] However, these audacious goals are not without challenge as there are numerous risks associated with free trade areas (FTA) such as trade based money laundering (TBML). This article seeks to explore the implications of TBML on economic growth and development. Further, the article will highlight the need for an effective framework to ensure that TBML is mitigated.
Ballot or bullet? Time for African youths to make a choice
Posted: 17 October, 2022 Filed under: Murithi Antony | Tags: abstain from voting, bad leadership, contemporary African societies, corruption, democratic governance, economic development, good education, human rights, Peaceful elections, physiological well-being, post-election violence, power to refuse, protection, violence 8 Comments
Author: Murithi Antony
LL.B student, University of Embu
“I call heaven and earth as witnesses against you today, that I have set before you life and death, the blessing and curse; therefore, you shall choose life in order that you may live, you and your descendants…”
– The Holy Bible, Deuteronomy 30:19 (Amplified Version)
Introduction
The message in the Book of Deuteronomy generally is directed to the new generation that was born in the desert during the 40 years of wandering in which the generation of exodus passed away. The Book puts forward foundational truths, which if the young generation shall abide by, they will succeed. It states that there is life and death, and advises them to choose life, but leaves the option to their discretion. This can to a large extent be equated with the happenings of contemporary African societies whereby the current youth generation, which was born in the desert of problems, neo-colonialism, tribalism, corruption and violence have an opportunity to change the status quo through voting and advocating for peace. Similar to how the Israelites were given choices, the current generation also has a choice to either vote and take charge of their future; or abstain from voting, and choose political, social and economic death. I tell them: “Choose to vote, in order that you may take charge of your destiny, and your generation shall find a better place to live in.”
To be a healthy democratic state, Ethiopia needs Stability through Peace and Security, Inclusive Development, and Good Governance.
Posted: 5 October, 2021 Filed under: Henok Kebede | Tags: Abiy Ahmed, bad governance, corruption, democracy, economic development, economic growth, Ethiopia, ethnic violence, extreme politics, extreme poverty, fundamental rights, inclusive development, internal displacement, peace, peace and security, polarised identity, political uncertainties, political violence, poor infrastructure, respect for human rights, rule of law, security and stability, social development, socio-economic demand, Tigrian elites Leave a comment
Author: Henok Kebede
Lecturer, School of Law at Hawassa University, Ethiopia
Ethiopia is at a crossroads. Despite recorded double-digit economic growth for more than a decade, the arguably slight opening of the political space and the increasing awareness of citizens about their rights and duties, the absence of a clear path to democracy through an institutionally designed system put Ethiopia at the crossroad. Though Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed pledged to reform Ethiopia’s authoritarian state, recently, Ethiopia is going through a hysterical period of political uncertainties whereby one cannot easily venture where the country is heading. Some suggested that Ethiopia is on the right track to democracy, and Abiy Ahmed is playing the dominant role. Others reject the idea that Ethiopia is getting into democracy, saying the reform government is just as undemocratic as its predecessors; it is instead an ‘old wine in a new bottle’.
The right to happiness in Africa
Posted: 13 July, 2016 Filed under: Saul Leal | Tags: Africa, apartheid, Christopher Mbazira, colonialism, constitution, David Bilchitz, economic development, Egypt, employment, Frederick Fourie, freedom, Ghana, Justice Albie Sachs, Leopold Sadar Senghor, Liberia, liberty, Namibia, Nigeria, racism, right to happiness, right to life, safety, security, South Africa, Steve Biko, Stu Woolan, Swaziland 3 Comments
Author: Saul Leal
Vice-Chancellor Postdoctoral Fellow, Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa (ICLA)
Leopold Sedar Senghor said: emotion is African.[1] This emotion has been channeled to constitutions. Happiness is a core value in many African constitutions. It was explicitly mentioned in Liberia, Namibia, Ghana, Nigeria, Swaziland, and Egypt.
Article 1 of the Constitution of Liberia, 1986, proclaims that all free governments are instituted by the people’s authority, for their benefit, and they have the right to alter and reform it when their safety and ‘happiness’ require it.[2] The preamble of the Egyptian Constitution, 2014, cites ‘a place of common happiness for its people’. The Namibian Constitution, 1990, assures the right ‘to the pursuit of happiness’. In this regard, Frederick Fourie defends the preamble of the Namibian Constitution, explaining that it is coloured by the struggle against colonialism and racism; that it is built around the denial of the ‘right of the individual life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’ by colonialism, racism and apartheid.[3]
AfricLaw 