Spotlight Turns to AI’s Role in Shaping the Future of Journalism: World Press Freedom Day 2025

Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

On 3 May 2025, the world observed World Press Freedom Day. This annual commemoration is a reminder of the important role that free, independent media plays in protecting democracy, transparency, and human rights. It is a day for governments to reaffirm their obligation to safeguard press freedom, for journalists and media professionals to reflect on ethical responsibilities, and for the public to honour the many courageous media practitioners who have risked or lost their lives in the pursuit of truth. In 2025, the theme of World Press Freedom Day is as urgent as it is visionary: Reporting in the Brave New World – The Impact of Artificial Intelligence on Press Freedom and the Media. The theme acknowledges the profound and accelerating impact of Artificial Intelligence (AI) on the field of journalism. As AI tools become more deeply integrated into the production, distribution, and consumption of news, this transformation brings with it both groundbreaking opportunities and critical challenges that demand global attention.

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More of the Humourist

Author: Saniamu Ngeywa
LLM, University of Groningen, Netherlands

No Laughing Matter

Retrogressive times and events have taken Kenya back to an all-too-familiar phase, rendering citizens, funny guys, dissidents, and rights defenders shivering. Social media enthusiasts banter that political positions should have an undisputed requirement that the applicant must be able to take a joke, lest an exaggerated doodle puts a cartoonist in, to put it lightly, a sticky situation – governmental persecution, abductions, and lawless treatment.

African countries have, in the past, seen their artists persecuted for wordlessly conveying opinions. The pen, wielded as an instrument of resistance, has led to those in power bringing a gun to the proverbial knife fight against the satirist. Kenya, as a nation that prides itself in democracy, finds itself in an ironic position as it silences the ‘different’ opinion, hazardously blurring the line between democracy and dictatorship. The recent abduction and much-delayed release of cartoonists remind us that despite constitutional protections for freedom of expression, the political elite’s intolerance mirrors that of regimes far less free.

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The struggle for prisoners’ voting rights: Analysing the constitutional right to dignity and sovereignty in Kenya

Uday-Makokha-KeyaAuthor: Uday Makokha Keya
Third-year law student, Kabarak University

The values on sovereignty of the people, asserted in the constitution of Kenya, imposes on the state the duty to protect, promote and fulfil citizen`s right to elect their representatives as a way of exercising their sovereignty. This right should therefore be achieved through guaranteeing citizens the right to register as voters and, consequently, to elect their leaders. The constitution provides that, every person has a right without unreasonable restriction to be registered as a voter.[1] Therefore, any limitation to the right to vote, has to be necessary,[2] and in accordance to the law.[3]  The case of Kituo Cha Sharia V IEBC & 2 Others, affirmed prisoner`s right to vote and elect their representatives linking their right to vote to their dignity, and the exercise of their sovereignty.[4] To guarantee the right to vote to prisoners, they should have equally been provided with the right to register as voters and, to consequently vote in every election cycles.

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The Weight of Votes: Analysing the Principle of Equality in Kenya’s Electoral Boundaries

Uday-Makokha-KeyaAuthor: Uday Makokha Keya
Third-year law student, Kabarak University

“A vote is like a rifle: its usefulness depends upon the character of the user”
-Theodore Roosevelt.

“Democracy amplifies the notion of legitimacy of the government and that people are the source of authority for the government. Conversely, democracy can as well be curtailed, and serve as a tool to access power for the elites.”[1]

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) asserts that the legitimate source of authority for the government is the people,[2] and for a government to be legitimate, it ought to draw its authority from the people. While the UDHR is not a treaty, there is predominant consensus that it forms part of customary international law and should therefore be implemented by all states. To that effect, the 2010 Constitution of Kenya provides that citizens have a right to elect their leaders.[3] Further, the law provides that elections for every representative are conducted after every five years.[4]

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Practical challenges facing National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) in Southern Africa: A case of South Africa and Zimbabwe

Zororai-NkomoAuthor: Zororai Nkomo
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

The world over, states have the primary responsibility of ensuring that human rights are respected, protected and fulfilled. As entities who negotiate and ratify international human rights instruments, and they must create safeguard mechanisms for people to enjoy these rights.[1] States often establish national human rights institutions in line with the Paris Principles as part of the institutional architecture for the fulfilment of their international human rights obligations. In this regard in 2014, the South African Human Rights Commission Act 40 of 2013 was enacted to replace the Human Rights Commission Act 54 of 1994.[2] The coming into force of this new Act witnessed the expansion of the powers of the commission in line with the Paris Principles.

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The impact of internet shutdown on freedom of expression in Ethiopia

Fenot-Mekonen-HailuAuthor: Fenot Mekonen Hailu
LLM Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

Access to the internet is essential for many aspects of daily life. Even though it is not explicitly classified as a human right, it is considered an enabler for the enjoyment of human rights.[1] One of the threats to internet access nowadays is internet shutdowns. An internet shutdown typically involves the deliberate disruption of internet or electronic communications, rendering them partially or fully inaccessible.[2] These shutdowns often target specific populations or regions to control the flow of information, though they can sometimes impact entire countries.[3] Despite the internet’s crucial role in communication, information sharing, and exercising fundamental freedoms, internet shutdowns have become an alarming issue across the world.[4] The internet has greatly enhanced free speech, enabling individuals to express their opinions without fear of censorship or retribution. It has also encouraged the exchange of ideas and facilitated the spread of information, benefiting society.[5] However, this fundamental right is threatened in Ethiopia by a concerning pattern of internet shutdowns. In response to protests, civil unrest, and other forms of social and political activism, the government has resorted to invasive shutdowns. These measures significantly limit citizens’ freedom of expression, impede democratic dialogue, and obstruct the flow of essential information in society, [6]leaving millions uninformed and potentially infringing on their rights to freedom of expression, access to information, assembly, and association, as well as other human rights.[7]The right to freedom of expression is protected under international law and most national constitutions. This right has evolved to encompass the internet as a vital communication medium, raising important questions about the extent to which internet access is protected under existing normative principles.[8]

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Celebrating the enduring legacy of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa

Nicholas-CheruiyotAuthor: Nicholas Cheruiyot
LLM Student, Centre for Human Rights

1 Introduction

The Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa (SR) was established in 2004 by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Commission).[1] This was following a series of events beginning in 1998 when the idea of free and open internet was conceived,[2] considering the importance of access to information in relation to the freedom of expression. The SR is one of the special mechanisms within the Commission, whose purpose is to promote and protect the freedom of expression throughout the African continent.[3] As the SR marks two decades in 2024 since its establishment, it has made significant progress in shaping Africa’s freedom of expression and access to information landscape as discussed in this article. There have however been challenges which have hampered its important role.

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Analysing Ethiopia’s Adherence with the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa: A Spotlight on the 2021 National Election 

Yeabsira-TeferiAuthor: Yeabsira Teferi
Lecturer of law, School of Law, Dilla University, Ethiopia

Introduction

A fundamental element of democracy is the freedom to choose political leaders through elections. As envisaged under Article 13 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (the African Charter), for elections to be free, fair and credible, the electorate must have access to information at all stages of the electoral process.  

The Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, a special mechanism established by the African Commission, with the specific mandate of monitoring member states’ compliance with article 9 of the African Charter adopted the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa (hereinafter, the Guidelines), in 2017.[i] The Guidelines provide directions on access to information in the electoral process as a means of strengthening democratic governance in Africa and specifically incorporates the principle of proactive disclosure of information. The principle of proactive disclosure requires that those who hold information of public interest must routinely provide such information to the public even without being requested to do so.

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South Africa at 30: Navigating the legacy of policy versus lived realities

Naledi-JoyiAuthor: Naledi Joyi
Gender Officer, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

After three decades of democracy, South Africa stands at a crossroads grappling with the interplay between policy aspirations and lived realities of the majority of the black population. The country boasts one of the most progressive constitutions globally because it is based on equality, freedom and justice. Yet the lived realities of its citizens leave one asking ‘what good is a constitution if it cannot be implemented?’. Although policies to address historical injustices and structural inequalities have been developed, implementation has been a challenge leaving many of the previously disadvantaged populations still disadvantaged, resulting in the country being dubbed the most unequal society in the world, with the rich getting richer and poor getting poorer. The country’s identity is closely linked with violence, entrenched in the legacy of apartheid, which used violence as a method of control.

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Why Uganda’s LGBTQ court ruling is a stain on the country and the continent

Nimrod-MuhumuzaAuthor: Nimrod Muhumuza
Doctoral researcher

Introduction

Stories about “trials by ordeal” abound in Africa and worldwide. In some parts of the continent, these “trials” still exist – with predictably unjust and sometimes fatal results. Trials by ordeal are capricious and unscientific, and the overall system is poor in evaluating evidence, reasoning, and arguments and arriving at a solid judgment. Today, we have a system of courts that is supposed to bring a certain sobriety, meticulousness, reasoning, and coherent judicial philosophy that rises above the occasional hot-headedness of the legislature or the overzealousness of the executive. Regularly, the system works as it should. Other times, it does not. Careful and solid judicial reasoning can still lead to a regressive and disputed decision, and a progressive ruling may come from poor and shaky rationale. Sometimes, a regressive decision may be founded on porous, incoherent, contradictory reasoning, as illustrated by  the Uganda Constitutional Court’s (Con-Court) decision on the constitutionality of the Anti-Homosexuality Act, 2023 (AHA), delivered on 3 April 2024.

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