The conundrum of combating child trafficking in Zimbabwe

Author: Zororai Nkomo
African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC)

Introduction

In 2014 Zimbabwe domesticated the United Nations (UN) protocol that aims to prevent, suppress, and punish human trafficking, especially of women and children – the Palermo Protocol, through the promulgation and subsequent enactment of the Trafficking in Persons Act of 2014 ( TIP Act). The 2023 and 2024 Trafficking in Person Report shows that Zimbabwe is among Southern African countries still grappling with trafficking of children for labour exploitation. Young people are being exploited in the mining and farming sector. The recent United Nations Global Report on human trafficking revealed that there is a 25% increase in children being exploited globally. The most prevalent forms of trafficking children face are forced labour, sexual exploitation and forced criminality.

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Practical challenges facing National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) in Southern Africa: A case of South Africa and Zimbabwe

Zororai-NkomoAuthor: Zororai Nkomo
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

The world over, states have the primary responsibility of ensuring that human rights are respected, protected and fulfilled. As entities who negotiate and ratify international human rights instruments, and they must create safeguard mechanisms for people to enjoy these rights.[1] States often establish national human rights institutions in line with the Paris Principles as part of the institutional architecture for the fulfilment of their international human rights obligations. In this regard in 2014, the South African Human Rights Commission Act 40 of 2013 was enacted to replace the Human Rights Commission Act 54 of 1994.[2] The coming into force of this new Act witnessed the expansion of the powers of the commission in line with the Paris Principles.

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The Right to Consent: Reimagining Sexual Autonomy for Persons with Disabilities in Zimbabwe through S v Zidyengi

Neville-MupitaAuthor: Neville Mupita
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

On 17 July 2024, the Zimbabwe High Court handed a landmark judgment in the case of S v Zidyengi that addresses a key interplay between mental disability and sexual autonomy. This judgment poses a topic of importance under the framework of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This piece uses a human rights-based approach to analyse the High Court judgment within the CRPD’s yardstick.

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Criminalisation of homelessness and poverty by Zimbabwe’s Vagrancy Act Unconstitutional and against the African Charter

Zororai-NkomoAuthor: Zororai Nkomo
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

In the mid-1960s, Zimbabwe prosecuted a protracted liberation struggle officially dislodging the colonial government of Ian Smith in 1980. One of the liberation struggle’s philosophical underpinnings was to do away with unjust laws and all forms of segregation, inequality, injustice, and freedom of blacks.

Despite all the invaluable efforts by freedom fighters, Zimbabwe is among countries in Africa that are administering an archaic, draconian, and segregative colonial piece of legislation – the administration of vagrancy laws in the criminal justice system- the Vagrancy Act Chapter 10:25.

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Proactive disclosure of information post the 2013 Model Law on Access to Information: Assessing the compliance of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission with the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa and the Declaration on Principles of Freedom of Expression in the 2023 harmonised elections.

Idirashe-Amanda-ChikombaAuthor: Idirashe Amanda Chikomba 
Human rights lawyer

Introduction

Regional and international instruments guarantee the right to access information. Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and  Peoples Rights (African Charter) and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provide for the right to access and receive information. Both treaties have been ratified by Zimbabwe. Section 62 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, 2013 (the Constitution) also guarantees the right to access information. The provision enunciates access to information to every Zimbabwean citizen or permanent resident, including juristic persons and the media. The duty bearers are outlined as any institution or government agency for purposes of public accountability.

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Where to Zimbabwe? Another stage set for flawed elections under Mnangagwa’s leadership

Nqobani-NyathiAuthor: Nqobani Nyathi
Doctoral Candidate and Project Officer, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

In 2018, and perhaps at the peak of his popularity, Emmerson Mnangagwa narrowly won a disputed Presidential election in Zimbabwe. In the aftermath, chaos ensued, and soldiers shot and killed people. No one has been held accountable so far, perpetuating an environment of impunity and fear. Mnangagwa’s unconstitutional rise to power the previous year had subverted democracy and as predicted, he has continuously demonstrated an unsettling disregard for the Constitution and the principles of democracy. Zimbabwe’s next general election is scheduled for some time this year, on a date yet to be announced. If Mnangagwa persists on his current path of undermining the Constitution, the election could lack the legitimacy necessary for a functioning democracy.

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Child marriages in Zimbabwe and the failure by the State to fulfil its obligations to protect the rights of children

Nqobani-NyathiAuthor: Nqobani Nyathi
Researcher, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Introduction

Recently, there have been reports about a 14-year old child who died during childbirth. The reason why such a tragedy happened and may continue to happen is the State’s failure or unwillingness to eradicate child marriages. This article seeks to outline Zimbabwe’s legislative framework regarding child marriages and its obligations in terms of international law.

The legal position

Child marriage is illegal in Zimbabwe as held by Zimbabwe’s Constitutional Court. In January 2016, the apex court rightly found that the legislative provisions legalising child marriages were inconsistent with the Constitution of Zimbabwe. The Constitution has fairly strong provisions promoting and protecting the rights of children, including the right to be protected from sexual exploitation or any form of abuse. The Court also observed that historically there has been a “lack of common social consciousness on the problems of girls who became victims of early marriages.”

The fact that child marriages had to be declared illegal through litigation exposes this lack of common social consciousness. Zimbabwe had been clinging to the archaic law legalising the marriage of children in terms of both the Marriage Act 81 of 1964 and the Customary Marriages Act 23 of 1950.

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Natural resources: The cause of the permanence of armed conflicts in Africa?

Boubakar-A-MahamadouAuthor: Boubakar A. Mahamadou
Graduate, Swiss Umef University

Africa is undoubtedly a continent rich in natural resources thanks to its subsoil which abounds in 30% of the world’s mineral resources. However, these resources have not allowed the long-awaited development of the continent to be achieved. These resources have also become the main sources of conflict on the continent. Indeed, the presence of significant natural resources on the territory of a State increases the risk of armed conflict. They can motivate secessionist demands, finance rebellions or even stir up violence. According to the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), natural resources are associated with 40% of internal conflicts around the world. It is in this sense that in Africa, we have been witnessing for some time now, the development of an economy of armed conflict.

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COVID-19 and the access to information conundrum in Africa

Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

As the world grapples with the deadly COVID-19 pandemic, the disease caused by the novel Corona-virus, Africa has not been spared. Although the rate of infection is still lower than the rest of the world, it is rising steadily. Governments across the world have initiated partial or nationwide crisis management measures including curfews, lockdowns, contact tracing, surveillance and testing  to curb the spread of the virus, which has been coined as measures to flatten the curve’. For these government-initiated emergency measures to be effective in curbing the spread of the virus, the public must comply with the government regulations. Access to information becomes very essential for the realisation of this objective and by extension other equally essential goals such as achieving the human right to health.

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The impact of Internet shutdowns in Africa

Author: Tomiwa Ilori
LLD Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

In the past, authoritarianism like any other form of illegitimacy has always been paranoid of disruptions. The internet, since its decentralisation in the last century, has blurred boundary lines, projected a classless society and looked to upset apple carts in political spaces. It is typical that this form of “magic” that could redefine state power rattled many governments. African governments soon began to show overt signs of paranoia and not too long, Africa became the first continent to experience an internet shutdown in Egypt on 28 January 2011. Since then, several governments in Africa have constantly violated digital rights with the justification of national security which supposes that both are mutually exclusive.

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