The election of Mahamat Idriss Déby: What are the security issues for Chad and beyond?

Joris-Joel-Fomba-TalaAuthor: Joris Joël Fomba Tala

Researcher, Centre for International and Community Law

On 23 May 2024, Mahamat Idriss Déby was sworn in as the new President of Chad.  On 16 May 2024, the Constitutional council officially declared Mahamat Idriss Déby the winner of the presidential election. According to results, Deby won 61 per cent of the votes cast, compared with 18.53 per cent for his main rival Succès Masra. This election brings to an end three years of political transition in the country led by the president-elect. According to some sources, the presidential election in Chad was marred by irregularities and was neither free, credible nor democratic, in a context marked by human rights violations. It is important to remember that the junta had excluded General Déby’s most dangerous opponents from the ballot, in particular his cousin and fierce rival Yaya Dillo, who was assassinated two months before the election.  After the proclamation of the results, a few shots were fired by soldiers in the district housing the headquarters of the Succès Masra Les Transformeurs party, forcing people to take refuge in their homes. It has been reported that around twenty people died from gunshot wounds and 60 others were admitted to hospital.

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Reclaiming African Traditions in Transitional Justice: With Some Reflections on Sudan

Bobuin-Jr-Valery-Gemandze-ObenAuthor: Bobuin Jr Valery Gemandze Oben
Advocacy Specialist, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Introduction

Following the much heralded third wave of democratisation which swept across Africa in the 1990’s, there was optimism that the continent was making a conscious and considerable shift towards democratic consolidation founded on the rule of law and the respect for human rights. Fast-forward almost three decades later and the major headlines across the continent portray conflict, instability and authoritarianism. April was Freedom Month in South Africa, commemorating the first democratic elections held in the country in 1994. As time goes by, much significance has been attached to these celebrations as it reflects the country’s journey towards justice, equality, and dignity from a divisive apartheid-construed society. Transitional justice played a key role in this journey. Most importantly its tools could be used to address conflict, violent extremism and authoritarian rule, issues which are currently plaguing the continent.  One of such situations is the ongoing conflict in Sudan between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) which degenerated in April.

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Concurrent military deployments in Mozambique and their permissibility under SADC treaty law

Author: Marko Svicevic
Post-doctoral research fellow, South African Research Chair in International Law (SARCIL), University of Johannesburg

On 23 June 2021, the Extraordinary Summit of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Heads of State and Government approved the deployment of a military force to Cabo Delgado in support of Mozambique’s fight against violent extremism in the province. The approval of the deployment, termed the SADC Standby Force Mission to Mozambique, was a delayed yet surprising response from the bloc to an increasingly volatile situation. The violence in Cabo Delgado is approaching its fourth year now, has resulted in over 3000 deaths, and has internally displaced over 700 000 people.

The SADC deployment seems to be based on the consent of the Mozambican government. What complicates the matter however is that even before SADC was able to deploy, Rwanda has already dispatched some 1000 troops to the province at Mozambique’s request.

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Is southern Africa entering its own ‘War on Terror’?

Author: Marko Svicevic
Post-doctoral research fellow, South African Research Chair in International Law (SARCIL), University of Johannesburg

What the proposed SADC deployment in Mozambique means for the sub-region

Leaders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) met again on 23 June 2021 in Maputo to discuss the expanding insurgency in northern Mozambique. It’s the first time the Summit has met since a technical assessment to Mozambique recommended a 3000 strong military deployment. In a communique issued following the meeting, the SADC Summit – its highest decision-making body – endorsed the recommendations made by the technical assessment and approved a mandate for the SADC Standby Force Mission to Mozambique.

From domestic grievances to terrorist acts and foreign aggression

Now approaching its fourth year, the conflict in Mozambique has raged across Cabo Delgado, its northern most province neighboring Tanzania. Initially, the Mozambican government seemed to brush off the violence as local criminality. In the last year and a half however, it has consistently re-framed this narrative as one of ‘foreign aggression.’ Both arguments have merit; there is ample research to suggest the drivers of the conflict are placed with a sense of neglect by the government together with high levels of poverty and unemployment. At the same time, the conflict is being internationalised with some evidence of foreign fighters joining the ‘insurgency’, which has since become known as Ansar al-Sunna. Further yet, the group’s pledge of allegiance to the Islamic State (IS) in 2019 and the US designation of ‘ISIS-Mozambique’ as Specially Designated Global Terrorists may be playing into Maputo’s newfound narrative: that the conflict is not rooted in domestic issues but constitutes an act of aggression against Mozambique’s sovereignty.

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