Internet Shutdowns in Sudan: From Authoritarian Tool to Weapon of War
Posted: 30 August, 2024 Filed under: Razan E H Ali | Tags: censor information, civil unrest, control, displacement, dissent, elections, electoral fraud, electronic communication services, freedom of expression and access to information on the Internet, human rights violations, humanitarian crisis, internet blackout, internet shutdowns, Model Law, national security, periods of conflict, political transition, refugees, Sudan, war-related information Leave a comment
Author: Razan E H Ali
LLM Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Introduction
Internet shutdown or blockage means the deliberate suspension or termination of internet and electronic communication services, making them inaccessible or practically inoperable for a particular group of people or geographic area, usually to control the flow of information.[1]
This exercise has been used by governments as a tool to suppress dissent, censor information, conceal serious infringements of individual rights, and evade accountability for human rights violations, especially during periods of conflict, civil unrest, and contested political transitions.[2]
The National Security Bill of 2024: A threat to freedom of expression in South Sudan
Posted: 22 July, 2024 Filed under: Akot Makur Chuot, Yeabsira Teferi | Tags: African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, arbitrary arrest, basic human right, Code of Criminal Procedure, democratic transition, fair trial, freedom of expression, freedom to express views freely, international human rights instrument, National Elections Commission, national security, National Security Bill, National Security Services, political consciousness, Public Prosecution Attorney, South Sudan, South Sudan military, warrant of arrest Leave a comment
Author: Akot Makur Chuot
LLM Candidate, Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa, University of Pretoria
Introduction
On 3 July 2024, the Revitalised National Transitional Legislative Assembly of South Sudan passed the controversial National Security Bill, which among others empowers (sections 54 & 55) the National Security Services to make arrests and detain anyone suspected of having committed an offence against the state without a warrant of arrest. The Bill was controversially passed by a vote of 274 in favour and 114 against, with 3 abstentions. This is in the face of a democratic transition as South Sudan heads to poll on 22 in December 2024 as per the announcement of the National Elections Commission. If the President does not sign the Bill within 30 days from the day it was passed, it will automatically become law.
Proactive disclosure of information post the 2013 Model Law on Access to Information: Assessing the compliance of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission with the Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa and the Declaration on Principles of Freedom of Expression in the 2023 harmonised elections.
Posted: 21 June, 2024 Filed under: Idirashe Amanda Chikomba | Tags: Access to Information, African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, Constitution of Zimbabwe, Cyber and Data Protection Act, Declaration on Principles on Freedom of Expression, Electoral Management Bodies, Guidelines on Access to Information in Africa, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Model Law on Access to Information, national security, Presidential Proclamation, public accountability, right to access information, transparency, ZEC, Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Leave a comment
Author: Idirashe Amanda Chikomba
Human rights lawyer
Introduction
Regional and international instruments guarantee the right to access information. Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (African Charter) and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provide for the right to access and receive information. Both treaties have been ratified by Zimbabwe. Section 62 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, 2013 (the Constitution) also guarantees the right to access information. The provision enunciates access to information to every Zimbabwean citizen or permanent resident, including juristic persons and the media. The duty bearers are outlined as any institution or government agency for purposes of public accountability.
Testing the Waters of Transparency: The Impact of Namibia’s Access to Information Act on Constitutionalism
Posted: 18 June, 2024 Filed under: Dunia P. Zongwe | Tags: Access to Information Act, accountability, ‘Fishrot’ Files, constitutionalism, corruption scandal, Gondwana case, Haufiku case, human rights, international standards, Namibia, national security, RAI, right to access information, rule of law, secrecy, secret information Leave a comment
Author: Dunia P. Zongwe
Associate Professor, Alliance School of Law, India; and Adjunct Associate Professor, Walter Sisulu University, South Africa
Abstract
This paper decodes the right to access information (RAI) in the newly enacted Access to Information Act in Namibia. Passed by Parliament in 2022, this Act came on the heels of the infamous ‘Fishrot’ Files, the country’s ugliest corruption scandal, uncovered through massive information leaks. This paper evaluates the efficacy of the Act in advancing the goals of constitutionalism by enabling individuals to access information robustly and transparently, thereby holding the ruling elite accountable to the public.
This paper unfolds in four steps. It begins by describing the loopholes that existed in the law before 2022, pondering what these lacunae imply for constitutionalism. Next, the paper dissects the RAI in theory, doctrine, and as presented in the Access to Information Act 8 of 2022. It then examines the Act’s provisions on RAI against the provisions laid out in the 2013 Model Law on Access to Information for Africa, highlighting key parallels. Lastly, drawing on those parallels, the paper assesses whether the RAI, as consecrated in the 2022 Act, advances the goals of constitutionalism. The paper argues that, by excluding from its scope Cabinet deliberations, the Act watered down the presumption of disclosure, and, in that sense, it failed to close the last loopholes that allowed the executive branch to evade accountability. This paper adds to the relevant literature by revealing that implementing the RAI and the disclosure presumption may constrain the executive more effectively than the other organs of the state.
Falling short of expectations: Safe City Project and the unsolved murder in Mauritius
Posted: 4 December, 2023 Filed under: Lakshita Kanhiya | Tags: biometric data, CCTV camera surveillance systems, drug trafficking, facial recognition, false accusations, intelligent command system, Kistnen murder, Mauritius, national security, organised crime, Safe City images, Safe City project, Soopramanien Kistnen, terrorism, transparency, unavailable images, unsolved murder, violence 1 Comment
Author: Lakshita Kanhiya
Human Rights Advocate
In a world full of violence, criminality, organised crime and drug trafficking, there is a legitimate quest for security. Mauritius, renowned for its picturesque beaches and vibrant cultural diversity, is not exempt from the challenges posed by national security. Much like many other countries, it grapples with the spectre of criminality, terrorism, and various public safety issues.[1] The evolution of technology in the digital age is fundamentally altering the way people engage with one another in society, and as society undergoes transformation, so do the tools, methodologies, and ideologies used to address these challenges.[2] Therefore, the inception of the Safe City project in Mauritius stemmed from the pressing demand for enhancing national security, particularly with a focus on preserving the country status as a secure destination for tourists, given that tourism plays a pivotal role in the Mauritian economy.[3] However, the project’s laudable objectives are overshadowed by the glaring human rights concerns, as exemplified by the Kistnen case, where the inadequacies of the system came to light.
What is next after the graduation of the necessary unified forces?
Posted: 20 September, 2022 Filed under: Garang Yach James | Tags: Agreement on Permanent Ceasefire and Transitional Security Arrangements, Civil Defence, complex geopolitics, Equatoria region, lack of political will, national army, National Police Service, national security, political will, Prison Services, RACRSS, Republic of South Sudan, Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of Conflicts in South Sudan, security implications, South Sudan People’s Defence Forces, SPLA-IO, Transitional Security Arrangement, unified forces, Wildlife Leave a comment
Author: Garang Yach J
South Sudanese Political and security analyst and PhD Student, University of Juba, South Sudan
Summary
The article attempts to answer the question of what is next after the parties have finally graduated the long-awaited necessary unified forces in accordance with the Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of Conflicts in South Sudan (RACRSS). It identifies four key issues and their respective security implications at the center of the transitional security arrangements. The author concludes that the graduation of the necessary unified forces is not the surest guarantee of a stabilised security situation although it is a show of political will that has been lacking since the coming to effect of the RARCSS in 2018. Addressing the identified key dilemmas will in turn address their respective security implications thus tranquilise the problematic security situation across the country.
The author ends by giving three pertinent recommendations for policy action if the transitional security arrangements were to set a stage for a democratic South Sudan by the end of the 24-month extended period.
The right to peaceful assembly and the COVID-19 pandemic: a threatened right; an ironic connection
Posted: 21 May, 2020 Filed under: Foluso Adegalu | Tags: Absolute prohibition, African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, African Constitutions, article 11, Bill of Rights, COVID-19, government, international law, national security, Non-prohibition, pandemic, Partial prohibition, peaceful assembly, physical distancing, physical gathering of persons, public safety, social distancing, The right to peaceful assembly 2 Comments
Author: Foluso Adegalu
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
The right to peaceful assembly enables individuals to express themselves collectively and to participate in shaping their societies and can be of particular importance to marginalised and disenfranchised members of society. The right to peaceful assembly entails a legitimate use of the public space. Although the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly is normally understood to pertain to the physical gathering of persons, comparable human rights protections also apply to acts of collective expression through digital means, for example online gatherings.
The right to peaceful assembly is guaranteed under both international and national laws. The right to peaceful assembly is guaranteed under article 11 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which provides that:
every individual shall have the right to assemble freely with others. The exercise of this right shall be subject only to necessary restrictions provided for by law in particular those enacted in the interest of national security, the safety, health, ethics and rights and freedoms of others.
The impact of Internet shutdowns in Africa
Posted: 21 February, 2019 Filed under: Tomiwa Ilori | Tags: ACHPR, Africa, African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, African Governments, Arab-spring, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), digital rights, Egypt, electoral malpractices, Freedom of Expression And Access to Information, general elections, ICCPR, ICESCR, internet, internet shutdown, Johannesburg Principles on National Security, national security, public protests, shutdown, Siracusa Principles, state power, Sudan, technology, violations, Zimbabwe 2 Comments
Author: Tomiwa Ilori
LLD Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
In the past, authoritarianism like any other form of illegitimacy has always been paranoid of disruptions. The internet, since its decentralisation in the last century, has blurred boundary lines, projected a classless society and looked to upset apple carts in political spaces. It is typical that this form of “magic” that could redefine state power rattled many governments. African governments soon began to show overt signs of paranoia and not too long, Africa became the first continent to experience an internet shutdown in Egypt on 28 January 2011. Since then, several governments in Africa have constantly violated digital rights with the justification of national security which supposes that both are mutually exclusive.
AfricLaw 