Spotlighting Female Genital Mutilation: An Insidious International Human Rights Crisis

Author: Amanda Janell DeAmor Quest
Commonwealth Caribbean Lawyer

On August 11, 2025, the BBC reported the death of a one-month-old baby girl who had been subjected to Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in the Gambia—a country that is one of 10 countries with the highest rates of FGM despite the practice having been outlawed there since 2015. This incident incited nation-wide outrage against FGM and decidedly affirmed its status as one of the most egregious manifestations of gender-based violence in the world today. FGM encompasses “all procedures that involve altering or injuring the female genitalia for non-medical reasons” and is mostly performed on girls between the ages of 5 and 9.  For this reason, FGM is “recognised internationally as a violation of the human rights, the health and the integrity of girls and women” Unfortunately, despite its deleterious effects on the lives, health, safety, and well-being of approximately 200 million girls and women worldwide, FGM continues to be reverenced as a “cultural tradition” in adherent societies.

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Corporal punishment as a public health concern: Breaking the cycle of violence against children in Africa

Nqobani-NyathiAuthor: Nqobani Nyathi
Doctoral Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

On 20 August 2025, the World Health Organisation (WHO) launched a report declaring corporal punishment of children a global public health concern. By definition, corporal punishment is any punishment where physical force is used with the intention of causing some degree of discomfort or pain, however light.

The statistics are staggering. An estimated 1.2 billion children around the world are subjected to corporal punishment at home every year. Children exposed to such violence are more likely to suffer from anxiety, depression, low self-esteem and emotional instability. These effects often persist into adulthood, increasing the risk of alcohol and drug use, and violent behaviour. In schools, corporal punishment contributes to dropout rates and poor educational outcomes.

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AUCEVAWG: A missed opportunity in the fight against violence towards women and girls in Africa

Lakshita-KanhiyaAuthor: Lakshita Kanhiya
Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa (ISLA)

Introduction

In February 2025, the African Union (AU) Assembly adopted the Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (CEVAWG), a landmark instrument that seeks to strengthen the continent’s response to one of its most pervasive human rights challenges. The Convention affirms the right of women and girls to live free from violence (Article 2) and extends protection across both public and private spheres, including cyberspace and conflict settings (Article 3). It prescribes comprehensive state obligations from enacting laws to combat violence, ensuring gender-responsive budgeting, and establishing coordinated support services for survivors (Articles 4–5), to protecting particularly vulnerable groups such as displaced women, women with disabilities, and older women (Article 7). The text also contains progressive provisions on the world of work (Article 8), safeguards for girls against harmful labour (Article 9), preventive measures that outlaw customs or traditions invoked to justify violence (Article 10) and guarantees of access to justice and protection for human rights defenders (Articles 11–12).

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Objection! The AU Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls, and the Question of Participatory Legitimacy

Author: Dr Mariam Kamunyu
British Academy International Fellow, School of Law and Politics , Cardiff University

In February 2025, the African Union (AU) adopted the African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (AUCEVAWG), hailed in some corners as a historic legal instrument addressing gender-based violence across the continent. And yet, for many African feminists, the moment was shocking and bittersweet. The adoption marked the culmination of a drafting process that, by most accounts, was characterised by exclusion and opacity, particularly of the very feminist movements whose decades of advocacy laid the groundwork for such a treaty. This article proffers that the lack of meaningful participation by a cross-section of civil society actors undermines the convention’s political and normative legitimacy, even if its legal validity remains intact.

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State-sanctioned human rights violations in Kenya: countering repression with resistance

Author: Edward Kahuthia Murimi
Advocate of the High Court of Kenya

Introduction

Kenya’s human rights situation has deteriorated in the recent past, and the state-sponsored human rights violations in the country can no longer be ignored. The global alliance for civil society organisations, CIVICUS, has recently added Kenya to its watchlist and rated the country as ‘repressed’ following what the organisation described as ‘a disturbing escalation in state-led repression of civic freedoms’. This article aims to shine a light on escalating human rights violations in Kenya in the hope that an international readership will inform some form of restraint by the authorities. It also highlights the disconnect between Kenya’s theoretical commitments to international human rights norms and processes and the blatant disregard for these same norms in practice. It argues that deliberate resistance is the most realistic response to the current onslaught on the exercise of human rights by President Ruto’s government.   

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The intersection between human rights and company regulation in South Africa: Reflections on Ndamase v Commissioner: Private Inquiry into the affairs of SNS Holdings

Author: Siyabonga Nyezi
University of the Witwatersrand

The Constitution of South Africa confers upon all people the right to freedom of conscience, religion, belief, and opinion. It is unlikely that, when drafting section 15 of the Constitution, the legislature contemplated that this right would make its way into disputes relating to the regulation of companies. The facts in the recent case of Ndamase v Commissioner: Private Inquiry into the affairs of SNS Holdings (2023-019694) [2024] ZAGPPHC 407 put to bed any doubts in that regard. My reflections on this decision in this article examines the limitation of human rights by the provisions of section 417.

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Licence denied: The legal roadblocks facing deaf drivers in Africa – Reflections on Musukwa & others v Road Transport and Safety Agency

Author: Jeff Barker
Intern, Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa 
Author: Michael Gyan Nyarko
Deputy Executive Director, Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa (IHRDA)

Introduction

In a 2024 decision the Supreme Court of Zambia denied an application by three deaf drivers who had taken Zambia’s licensing authority to court.[1] The applicants argued that they were refused a drivers licence solely on the basis of their disability. Surprisingly, the Supreme Court of Zambia found that the licencing process was not discriminatory, and, therefore, there was no need for the government to justify a limitation of rights. The refusal to issue driver’s licences to deaf individuals has implications on several rights, including the right to non-discrimination and equal protection of the law, dignity, freedom of movement and the right to employment and an adequate standard of living, among others. The decision of the Supreme Court of Zambia therefore raises several human rights issues which are more extensively discussed by the authors in a forthcoming journal article. In this brief piece, we share some reflections on the limitation of rights under the African Charter and in particular what would be required of a state, within the African regional human rights system, to justify limiting the rights of deaf drivers?

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Confronting Digital Hate: Africa’s Legal and Ethical Response to Hate Speech

Author: Hlengiwe Dube
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria

Every year on June 18, the world comes together to observe the International Day for Countering Hate Speech, a solemn reminder that words can wound deeply and sometimes irreparably. Hate speech is not a new problem. Throughout history, language has been weaponised to demean, divide, and destroy, but today, in our interconnected digital age, the scale, speed, and sophistication of hate speech’s spread are unprecedented. This is especially true in Africa, a continent marked by extraordinary diversity in ethnicity, religion, culture, and language, where hate speech can quickly inflame tensions and threaten peace. The devastating consequences of hate speech in Africa are not merely theoretical. The 1994 Rwandan genocide stands as the darkest example, where incendiary radio broadcasts and printed propaganda dehumanised the Tutsi minority, turning words into deadly action. This tragedy also became a powerful lesson in the importance of vigilance, legal safeguards, and coordinated responses to hateful rhetoric.

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Approval of special leave for ukuthwasa by the City of Tshwane signifies a notable transformation in employment law in relation to the recognition of African spirituality.

Konanani Raligilia

 Kodisang Bokaba

Rorisang Thage

Tendani Musekwa

The City of Tshwane has recently approved a policy that provides special leave for employees who need to undergo ukuthwasa. Ideally, ukuthwasa is a process that involves the spiritual calling of people who were chosen by the ancestors to undergo the initiation process, which results in becoming traditional healers. This is a significant approval in South Africa, especially from a government institution. The announcement is a positive and progressive development from an employment law perspective. It also aligns with the Constitution’s values, recognising African customary law and indigenous practices. It addresses the issues related to the Indigenous practices of African people, particularly concerning the ongoing victimisation of those undergoing spiritual training. In contrast, individuals who pursue Western academic training continue to enjoy a recognised status in the workplace. We must shift our perspective to recognise that while the matter at hand is spiritual, the ukuthwasa journey is centred on learning. Therefore, it is important first to define and clearly understand what a spiritual calling is.

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The New Egyptian Asylum Law and the fate of LGBTIQ+ Refugees in Egypt

Rehim-Baharu-ElalaAuthor: Rehim Baharu Elala
Human rights attorney and women’s rights advocate

The refugee population in Egypt has significantly increased following the eruption of the Sudanese civil war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in mid-April 2023. Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers account for 68.7% of the total refugee population in Egypt[1]. Amid this crisis the Egyptian Government enacted a new asylum law in December 2024 without meaningful consultations with the refugee community, human rights organisations and other key stakeholders including UNHCR.

UNHCR was conducting the registration of asylum seekers and Refugee Status Determination (RSD) to offer protection on behalf of the government on the basis of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed in 1954. The MoU delegates a set of defined responsibilities to UNHCR including but not limited to registration, documentation, refugee status determination (RSD), resettlement (RST), voluntary repatriation, and support for vulnerable individuals, while the Egyptian Government retains the role of the issuance of residence permits for refugees[2]. Despite the backlogs in processing asylum applications, UNHCR Egypt has been the largest and most productive RSD mandate operation globally. The Egyptian government wants to take over the task without indicating a viable transition plan to establish an asylum management system in line with its international and regional undertakings.

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