Is South Africa turning a blind eye to climate injustices?
Posted: 8 August, 2022 Filed under: Sandile Nhlengetwa | Tags: carbon budgets, Carbon Tax Act 15 of 2019, climate change, Climate Change Bill, Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa, Disaster Management Act 57 of 2002, environmental laws, gas mitigation plan, greenhouse gases, human rights-based approach, Kwazulu-Natal floods, National Environmental Management Act 107 of 1998, policy framework, socio economic development, South Africa, statutes, threat Leave a commentAuthor: Sandile Innocent Nhlengetwa
LLB candidate, University of the Western Cape
Climate change is the greatest threat to mankind as it poses a major threat to the survival of humans on earth. It has a negative impact on the prospects of economic and social prosperity of any nation. South Africa has over the years witnessed a number of her citizens; particularly poor susceptible groups being severely affected by the impacts of climate change. Most recently, the Kwazulu-Natal floods did not only displace indigent people it also led to the loss of lives. The South African government turned a blind eye to this and has been the slowest to react. Two months after the floods occurred, the government is yet to allocate satisfactory financial and human resources to redress the situation. This can be partly linked to the absence of a legislative regulatory framework which provides for an effective, clear and comprehensive response to climate change in order to minimise its impact. Currently, climate change is regulated in a piecemeal manner. Since the Constitution was adopted, an overwhelming number of statutes of environmental nature were enacted including the National Environmental Management Act 107 of 1998 and the National Environment Management: Air Quality Act 39 of 2004. Though both these statutes do not refer to climate change in explicit terms they require the environment to be utilised in a sustainable manner that is not harmful to human beings and regulate the emission of greenhouse gases respectively. Worth mentioning, however, is the Carbon Tax Act 15 of 2019 as well as the Disaster Management Act 57 of 2002 both of which have a direct bearing on climate change. The latter Act is the legislative framework within which the government responds to the impacts of climate change. The former makes explicit reference to climate change in its efforts to avoid dangerous anthropogenic climate change by stabilising greenhouse gas emissions while also ensuring sustainable socio economic development.
To whom it may concern: South Sudan may not be ready for elections, yet democracy cannot wait
Posted: 25 July, 2022 Filed under: Joseph Geng Akech | Tags: African expert, challenges, democracy, democratic future, Election Commission, election readiness, elections, Humanitarian relief, International Institute for Democracy and Elections Assistance, legislation, permanence of transitions, political transition, public perceptions, Revitalised Peace Agreement, security stabilisation, South Sudan, Transitional Period, United Nations Mission in South Sudan, unprepared 2 CommentsAuthor: Joseph Geng Akech
Assistant Professor of Law, University of Juba, and independent researcher in human rights & constitutional designs
Introduction
Early this year, Yach Garang, political science PhD student at the University of Juba authored a blog piece asking ‘will South Sudan be ready for its first democratic elections come 2023?’ According to him, certain benchmarks are critical for South Sudan’s democratic election readiness. These include security stabilisation, enactment of electoral laws, adoption of a new constitution and conduct of population census. While I agree with his ‘benchmarks’, I contend that South Sudan may not be ready for elections, but it is imperative to note that democracy cannot wait for a perfect environment.
This piece, therefore, is addressing those to whom the democratic future of the country remains a priority.
Regulating cryptocurrencies in the Central African Republic: Has the cart been put before the horse?
Posted: 21 July, 2022 Filed under: Rimdolmsom Jonathan Kabré | Tags: 2015 Paris Agreement, Bank of African Central States, bitcoin, carbon footprint, Central African Economic and Monetary Community, Central African Republic, cryptocurrency, electronic transactions, greenhouse gas, Law n°22.004, legal framework, legal tender, National Electronic Transaction Regulatory Agency, political opposition, tax contributions 4 CommentsAuthor: Rimdolmsom Jonathan Kabré
Postdoctoral researcher, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Introduction
On 22 April 2022, the Parliament of the Central African Republic (CAR) adopted the Law n°22.004 governing cryptocurrency in the Central African Republic (hereinafter the Law). This is the second time in the world, and the first time in Africa, that a country adopts cryptocurrencies as legal tender. Previously, some other African countries considered the issue of cryptocurrencies: In Algeria, for example, they are prohibited (see art 117 of 2018 Financial law). In Egypt, bitcoin transactions were classified as haram (in a non-binding religious decree of 2018) until the recent Central Bank and Banking Sector Law No.194 of the year 2020 which contains some rules regarding the use of financial technology. Nigeria has prohibited the trading of cryptocurrencies and launched its own digital currency called eNaira. In South Africa, the regulation of cryptocurrencies is imminent (see here and here).
Women and Disability in Africa: African Disability Protocol to the Rescue?
Posted: 18 July, 2022 Filed under: Farirai Sinothando Sibanda | Tags: abuse, Africa, African Disability Protocol, communication, disability rights, discrimination, exclusion, forced sterilisation, poverty, sexual and reproductive health rights, UNCRPD, women with disabilities 2 Comments
Author: Farirai Sinothando Sibanda
Master’s Candidate, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
It is a gross injustice that disability rights in Africa have previously not been prioritised given that 80% of persons with disabilities live in developing countries. However, this situation seems to be gaining some attention with most African states having ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) with the exception of three, namely Cameroon, South Sudan and Eritrea. Following this trajectory, in 2018, the African Union (AU) member states adopted the African Disability Protocol which will enter into force after ratification by 15 AU member states. Despite its potential to enhance persons with disabilities’ enjoyment of their rights, as of March 2022, the African Disability Protocol has only been ratified by three countries namely; Mali, Kenya, and Rwanda which is disappointingly low.
The UNCRPD is a key instrument in advancing the rights of persons with disabilities, but it lacks the specificity to the African context. Due to poverty and other issues in Africa, the situation of persons with disabilities, especially women, differs radically from that in other regions. Article 6 of the UNCRPD addresses women in two general provisions by obligating states to protect them from discrimination, ensure enjoyment of their rights and empower them. However, it does not specify the actions that states must take to fulfil these obligations. Resultantly, the UNCRPD does not adequately address the unique situation of persons with disabilities in Africa.
Read the rest of this entry »The place of liberal feminism in the struggle for gender equality in Kenya.
Posted: 8 July, 2022 Filed under: Davis Thuranira | Tags: affirmative actions, Bill of Rights, equal participation, feminism, gender discrimination, gender equality, gender inequality, Gender Representation in the National Assembly and the Senate, gender rule, good governance, human rights, Kenya, legal framework, liberal feminism, non-discrimination, patriarchy, Rono v Rono, toxic masculinity, transformative jurisprudence Leave a commentAuthor: Davis Thuranira
Student, Kenyatta University, Kenya
Major Premise
The framers of the constitution[1] provided adequate mechanisms to counter gender discrimination and foster equality among all sexes and gender in the country. As a matter of fact, several legal provisions incline to an ideology of equality that seeks to overhaul the existing societal structure which anchors discrimination and unequal treatment of women.
Equality, non-discrimination, inclusiveness and protection of the marginalized are among the key principles featured under Article 10[2]. The provision universally applies to all persons and demands compliance by the state, including its organs, while exercising its constitutional mandate. The state is required to invoke its authority by giving effect to the two-third gender rule. Additionally, these principles and others that support gender equality are emphasized in the constitution since such are the basis for any democratic society that the constitution envisions. The applicability of these principles is mandatory, and the courts have on several occasions emphasized that the principles are not aspirational as argued by critics but realistic, practicable and binding on everyone. In the case of Rono v Rono[3], the Court of Appeal authoritatively asserted that the Constitution shields women from customary succession laws that bar women from inheriting property. The Court held that both male and female children are treated equally before the law and that discriminatory rules are invalid and unconstitutional to the extent that it treats women as inferiors to men. Read the rest of this entry »
Contextualising and Advocating for Sexual Minority Rights within Kenya’s Transformative Constitution
Posted: 27 May, 2022 Filed under: Laureen Mukami Nyamu | Tags: Bill of Rights, dignity, discrimination, equal protection, Gay and Lesbians Human Rights Council, human rights, Kenya, sexual minorities, sexual minority rights, torture, violence 4 CommentsAuthor: Laureen Mukami Nyamu
Student, Kabarak University School of Law in Nakuru, Kenya
Human rights are inherent to all human beings regardless of race, ethnicity, nationality, religion or other status [1] moreover they are universal but the universality of human rights is not enjoyed by sexual minorities due to discrimination. This discrimination stems from religious, socio- cultural, institutional and discriminatory laws and policies. These factors hamper the full enjoyment of human rights by sexual minorities.
The Constitution of Kenya 2010 is transformative in the realm of human rights by recognising the bill of rights as an integral part of Kenya’s democracy, social, economic and cultural policies and by having an elaborate Bill of Rights that remedies the subversion of human rights which was a characteristic of the repealed constitution. [2] This article will contextualise and show advocacy of sexual minority rights within the constitutional framework and provide a way forward as regards sexual minority rights. Read the rest of this entry »