Peeling back the mask: Analysing the juxtaposition of marital rape and its legalese in Kenya

Author: James Mulei
Kabarak University

“You are mad!” Resian screamed at him. “You are stark mad if you think I am your wife. He repeated quietly, smiling “Whether you scream your heart out, or jump into the deep sea, Resian, you are mine. You are my wife from now henceforth! Let us see how ‘educated’ your body is.” *

The juxtaposition of marital rape has been a subject of discussion, spanning several years if not centuries. Ideally, juxtaposition here refers to contrasting the concept of rape within marriage. Why would a man rape his wife if they are married? Isn’t rape characterised by unconsented sex, where ‘unlawful’ penetration must occur? The immunity of a husband had a long historical tradition, framed by British common law. The immunity of husbands was established by the eminent judge and jurist Sir Matthew Hale in 1736, where he pointed out that a husband cannot be guilty of rape upon his wife for a husband could not be guilty of raping his wife, as marriage implied consent. This theory treated marriage as a contractual agreement where sex was an obligation, making it impossible to prosecute marital rape.[1] This implied that a husband is incapable of raping his wife, meaning that any sexual acts perpetuated within the marriage could not be subject to judicial scrutiny.[2]

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Relearning conflict-related sexual violence: expanding the lens of violence

Lesego-SekhuAuthor: Lesego Sekhu
Research Assistant, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

Given the severity of conflict-related sexual violence during intra-state and inter-state conflicts in the last decade, transitional justice and peacebuilding efforts have directed resources to investigating this form of sexual and gender-based violence. They aim to create measures to both prevent and address the consequences of these atrocities. Notwithstanding the intention, the conventional understanding of conflict-related sexual violence is flawed and neglects the continuities and diversity of violence that permits continued impunity for sexual and gender-based violence during conflict.

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Addressing gender-based violence against women and children in Africa

Author: Kwasi Asiedu Abrokwah
Operational Supervisor, Prime Legacy Construction Pty; Communications Director, The Great People of South Africa

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) is defined as violence that is directed against a person on the basis of their gender or sex, including acts that inflict physical, mental, or sexual harm (intimate partner violence or non-intimate partner violence), suffering threats of such acts, coercion and deprivations of liberty. According to the United Nations Women’s Organisation (UNWomen), it is estimated that 35 percent of women worldwide have experienced either physical or sexual violence at some point in their lives. In the West African region, Liberia, Cote d´Ivoire and Sierra Leone are examples of countries where GBV were used as weapons of war. GBV has been a huge problem in Africa where women and children are violated by men. GBV occurs in various forms, including femicide, female genital mutilation (FGM), child marriage, intimate partner violence, sexual harassment, sexual violence and kidnapping. It may also occur in the form of socio-economic violence, including discrimination and denial of opportunities or services on the basis of sex, gender, sexual orientation.

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