South Africa in African Conflict Resolution: Peacekeeper or Power Player?
Posted: 24 February, 2025 Filed under: Zekhethelo Cele | Tags: conflict resolution, conflict resolution strategy, Democratic Republic of Congo, extrajudicial killings, high unemployment rates, humanitarian aid, instability, M23 crisis, mass displacement, negotiations, regional peacekeeping, SANDF soldiers, self-interest, South African troops, stabilising force, United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions, vulnerable populations 2 Comments
Author: Zekhethelo Cele
Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa
The recent deaths of South African troops in the Democratic Republic of Congo have reignited debates about the country’s role in regional peacekeeping and conflict resolution. As a key player in African diplomacy, South Africa has historically positioned itself as a stabilising force on the continent. However, the risks and costs associated with its involvement in conflicts such as that in the DRC raises a pertinent question: Is South Africa a genuine peacekeeper, or is it acting out of political and economic self-interest?
The violation of fair trial rights: Analysing summary executions of the alleged RSF collaborators by the Sudanese Armed Forces
Posted: 21 February, 2025 Filed under: Razan E H Ali | Tags: armed conflicts, bridge throwing, cruel treatment, diplomatic tensions, extrajudicial killings, Geneva Conventions, human rights violations, humanitarian assistance, humiliating treatment, international human rights law, International Humanitarian Law, maiming, retaliatory violence, Sudan, Sudanese Armed Forces, Sudanese domestic law, Sudanese refugees, summary executions, throat slitting, Wad Madani 1 Comment
Author: Razan Ali
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
The recapture of Wad Madani, the capital city of Al Jazeera state, by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in January 2025 after 11 months of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) control initially sparked celebrations among Sudanese people both domestically and in the diaspora.[1] However, these celebrations were quickly overshadowed by the widespread circulation of videos documenting SAF members conducting summary executions of civilians through methods including throat slitting, bridge throwing, and shooting.[2]
These human rights violations extended beyond Sudanese nationals to include South Sudanese citizens, triggering diplomatic tensions and retaliatory violence against Sudanese refugees in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.[3] Some supporters attempted to justify these killings by claiming the victims were RSF collaborators, despite the fact that the civilian population had been under siege for over a year, making interaction with RSF forces virtually unavoidable for survival.[4]
This article examines the legality of these extrajudicial killings through the lens of three legal frameworks: international humanitarian law, international human rights law, and Sudanese domestic law.
Nigeria’s African Charter Act: The Question of the National Assembly’s Exclusive Legislative Competence to Enact for the Nigerian Federation
Posted: 17 February, 2025 Filed under: Oluwatosin Senami Adegun, Yeabsira Teferi | Tags: 1999 Constitution, Abacha v Fawehinmi, African Charter Act, Houses of Assembly, human rights, legislative powers, National Assembly, Nigeria, Nigerian constitutions, peoples’ rights, public institutions, socio-economic rights 1 Comment
Author: Oluwatosin Senami Adegun
Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Introduction
By section 12(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria of 1999 (1999 Constitution), for a treaty to which Nigeria is a party to have the force of law in Nigeria, the National Assembly must enact such treaty into law. This was the same provision under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria of 1979 (1979 Constitution) which was the Constitution in force in 1983 when the National Assembly domesticated the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights by enacting the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act of 1983 (African Charter Act). Section 12 of the 1979 Constitution is the same under the 1999 Constitution. For the purpose of this article, more references will be made to the 1979 Constitution being the Constitution in force when the African Charter Act was enacted.
Realising Transformative Institutional Reforms via Civil Society
Posted: 11 February, 2025 Filed under: Andrew Songa | Tags: advocacy for reforms, African Union Transitional Justice Policy, civil society, democratic transformation, divisions, human rights violations, inequalities, institutional reforms, National Council for Administration of Justice, past violations, public opinion, public pressure, public symposiums, reform processes, socio-economic transformation, Transformative Institutional Reforms, Transitional Justice 1 CommentAuthor: Andrew Songa
Strategic Advisor, Alt Advisory
If institutional reforms are meant to positively and fundamentally transform our state structures and society, then civil society must play a key role in developing, implementing and monitoring them. In defining transitional justice as policy measures and mechanisms that are implemented to overcome past violations, divisions and inequalities, the African Union Transitional Justice Policy emphasises that these measures should enable the forward-looking goals of democratic and socio-economic transformation. A key measure that underpins this transformative potential of transitional justice is institutional reforms. This is because, if properly designed and implemented, institutional reforms transcend temporary or symbolic measures. They address past violations by introducing state institutions that are competent, ethical, independent, accessible, well-resourced and a reflection of the communities they serve.
Does the Penal Code promote life or punish despair? A study of the law against suicide in Kenya
Posted: 7 February, 2025 Filed under: Pawi Fortune, Soita Shitanda Elvis | Tags: Jackson Mwangi Kariuki v Republic, Kenya, Kenyan Penal Code, law, legal remedies, mental well-being, morality, outdated legislation, public humiliation, self-destruction, self-harm, sexual orientation, suicide, suicide criminalisation Leave a comment |
Author: Pawi Fortune Federation of African Law Students, Kenya |
 |
Author: Soita Shitanda Elvis Kabarak University Law School |
‘Austin taught that the only force behind the law was physical force, and Mill declared that the only purpose for which that force could rightfully be used against any member of the community was to prevent harm to others; his own good, physical or moral, was not sufficient warrant.’[1]
The question on law and morality is as old and controversial as the question of which came first between the chicken and the egg. To some, law and morality are two separate entities whereas others are of the opinion that law and morality are interconnected. According to Professor H.L.A Hart, law and morality are two distinct social phenomena, and a free society should allow for morally autonomous choices.[2] Lord Devlin on the other hand argues that when conduct arouses widespread feelings of intolerance, indignation and disgust, it deserves to be suppressed by legal coercion in interest of the integrity of the society.[3] The issue of suicide intersects with the complex interplay between legal frameworks and societal morality, raising profound questions about individual autonomy, the state’s role in protecting life, and the ethical implications of criminalising self-destructive behavior. This article aims to provide a critical assessment of the Kenyan Penal Code’s stance on suicide, advocating for a shift towards a compassionate and supportive legal framework.
AfricLaw 